LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 

Ci!. ^ 

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



THE 



HERO OF COWPENS. 



A 



A CENTENNIAL SKETCH. 



^ -..- 



^ 



'A prince can mak' a belted knight, 
A markis, duke and a' that, 
But an honest mon's aboon his might, 
Guid faith he mauna fa' that." 

Burns. 






A. S. BARNES & COMPANY, 

NEW YORK AND CHICAGO. 









Copyright : , iS8i, by A. S. Barnes <£^ Co. 



i r PHE authoress lias to regret that her limited access 
to Eevolutionary correspondence, has left her argu- 
i' ment less exhaustive than she could desire. The point 
; sought to be established is, that Benedict Arnold per- 
formed no essential or valuable service during our Eevo- 
lutionary struggle ; that he appropriated the laurels fairly 
won by Daniel Morgan, and has worn them for a hundred 
years. For facts personal to Arnold she has relied mainly 
upon Sparks' Life of Arnold ; for the same for General 
Morgan she is indebted to Graham's Life of Morgan. 
(See page v.) For general historical conclusions, after 
consulting all our standard authorities and sometimes 
reading between the lines, she has been careful not to 
wander far from Bancroft's version. 

If she have set her hero in a somewhat poetic light, her 
"offence hath this extent — no more." 

Baltimore, August 1, 1881. 



JVC TJE. 

[So largely has Graham's Life of Morgan been drawn 
upon in the preparation of this sketch that it will not be 
out of place to insert the following from the preface of 
that work.] 

" At the death of General Morgan, his papers, correspondence, 
etc., went into the possession of his son-in-law, General Presley- 
Neville. Daring the twenty years which succeeded, many of these 
papers were lost or destroyed. What remained, however, were then 
collected, arranged and bound into two large volumes by the Gen- 
eral's grandson, Major Morgan Neville. When he died, they became 
the property of his widow, who submitted them to my perusal, with 
the object of ascertaining whether the publication of a select portion 
of their contents would be advisable or not. 

"This collection is a very valuable one, embracing, as it does, 
letters hitherto unpublished, from Washington, Greene, La Fayette, 
Wayne, Gates, Jefferson, Hamilton, Henry, Rutledge, and other 
distinguished men of the Revolutionary era. They abound in facts 
and circumstances which the historian has either failed or feared to 
notice. But what chiefly attracted my attention was the additional 
light which they shed upon the private character and military 
services of General Morgan, and upon the details of his long and 
eventful career. Until I saw these papers I labored under the com- 
mon error of assigning him a position among the worthies of the 
Revolution, far below that which he deserved. After examining all 
the, sources of information within my reach, I became convinced, 
that few if any of the heroes of that day, furnished larger contribu- 
tions than he did to the glory of our arms, or surpassed him in the 



VI NOTE. 

amount and value of their services. Nevertheless I found that Lis 
character and conduct had been misconceived in some cases, and 
misrepresented in others ; and that from these causes many of our 
historians had been betrayed into statements at variance with facts 
and injurious to his fame. The absence of full and correct informa- 
tion regarding a man whose name and deeds furnish so rich a source 
for national pride, has besides tempted Fiction to make him the 
theme of her legends. But the fanciful pictures she has drav. n, 
though recognizable, are not likenesses ; while they fall far short of 
the spirit and dignity which invested the reality. 

" But ample as were the materials furnished by General Morgan's 
MSS., inuch was yet to be gathered before a complete and connected 
chain of events could be formed. * * * A few have contributed 
so largely and so valuably to my collections, as to render acknowl- 
edgements a duty as well as a pleasure. The first of these is the 
late Dr. Wm. Hill, of Winchester, Virginia. He was one of General 
Morgan's personal and intimate friends. He attended him during 
the illness that terminated his life and preached the funeral sermon 
over his grave. To him I am indebted for a large collection of facts 
and anecdotes in relation to General Morgan which run through his 
entire career and which were recorded from his own lips. It would 
be difficult to estimate the advantages I derived from this valuable 
contribution. It explained circumstances which, without it, would 
have remained inexplicable Whatever of merit may be accorded to 
the connection of events, as displayed here and there through the 
work, will in a great degree be owing to the assistance I received 
from Dr. Hill." * * * 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



I. 

DANIEL MORGAN.— HERO. 

PAGE 

Birth-place unknown. New Jersey and Pennsylvania both claim him. "Na- 
tive American." Virginia the State of his adoption. Accompanies Brad- 
dock's army as a teamster. Gets five hundred British lashes, and an apology. 
" Returns home. Becomes a soldier. Tragic encounter with the Indians. 
Sows wild oats. Marries, settles, and grows rich. Self-culture. Indian 
wars. Obtains large grants of land for his services. Hears of the battle of 
Lexington. Espouses the cause of the Revolution intelligently. Recruits 
a company and marches to Boston. 15 

II. 

BENEDICT ARNOLD.— MOCK HERO. 

His birth and ancestry. Fine old Puritan stock. Shames his ancestry. 
Child is father of the man. His youthful villainy. Refuses an education. 
Apprenticed to a druggist. Runs away and enters the British service. Is 
brought back by his friends. Re-enlists. Deserts. Embarks in business. 
Makes haste to be rich. Duels. Fails in business. Bankruptcy. Hears of 
the battle of Lexington. Raises a company and marches to Boston In- 
trudes himself into Ethan Allen's party, and at the fall of Ticonderoga he 
insists upon entering the fort at Allen's side. Gives offence to everybody. 
Resigns. Urges the Canadian expedition. Offers to lead it and become 
responsible for its success. Urges the expedition through Maine to surprise 
Quebec. Offers to lead it. Washington gives him the command. . . 25 

III.— 1775. 
WASHINGTON AND HIS GENERALS. 

Their slender abilities. His incredible labors and difficulties. Treads the 
wine-press alone 33 

IV.— 1775, 1776. 

THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 

The tragic romance of the Revolution. Morgan its real leader. Dress of the 
rifle company. They perform the labors of Hercules. Despatch and se- 
crecy the essentials to success. Arnold ensures its failure by sending ahead 
letters by friendly Indians announcing his approach. They prove unfriendly, 
and the British get the letters. Upon arriving at Quebec, Morgan reconnoi- 
tres and proposes to assault immediately, Arnold declines. Montgomery 
and Arnold afterward join forces and make the attack. Montgomery is 
killed and Arnold wounded outside the walls. Morgan assumes command, 
assaults, and gets into the town and is taken prisoner. Morgan attracts 
attention. Is visited by a British official, who offers him equal rank in the 
British army. Morgan resents it as a personal insult 38 



Vlll TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

V.— 1776. 
THE KETREAT. 

PAGE 

Congress stubbornly persist in the attempt to conquer Canada. Waste, 
disaster, and ruin follow. Arnold now calls for the retreat as loudly as 
he had called for the advance. He is cburt-martialled for mal-adminis- 
tration. After the retreat to Crown Point Arnold urges the building the 
Lake fleet. He commands it. Undertakes the impossible. His whole fleet 
destroyed, partly by the enemy and partly by himself. Gets great glory and 
a brigadier-general's commission. The Canadian expedition ends in disas- 
ter, failure, and shame .49 

VI. —1776. 
ALLS WELL THAT ENDS WELL. 

The Revolutionary party has achieved a series of brilliant successes. Lex- 
ington, Concord, Bunker Hill, Ticonderoga. Boston delivered, and the 
repulse of the British army and navy from Charleston,- S. C. The tide of 
victory now ebbs. The British land a splendidly equipped army on Long 
Island. Washington has a lame army and no generals. He has some sol- 
diers. The Maryland and Delaware troops here win their spurs. Wash- 
ington accomplishes a masterly retreat, and maneuvres in the Highlands. 
Greeue loses Forts Lee and Washington with large garrisons and stores. 
Washington retreats through New Jersey. Lee and Gates decline to assist 
him, and intrigue for his place. Washington recrosses the Delaware, sur- 
prises and captures the Hessians at Trenton. From being pursued, Wash- 
ington becomes the pursuer. The British, though they outnumber him five 
times, retreat and finally fall back to New York. The campaign of 1776 is 
a total failure for the British. With a force of not less than fifty thousand 
they aim three simultaneous blows at the Young Republic— for the posses- 
sion of the Hudson River, Philadelphia, and Charleston. The city of New 
York alone recompenses their gigantic efforts 58 

VII.— 1776, 1777. 
THE RIFLE REGIMENT. 

Morgan is paroled, and returns from Canada. Washington recommends him 
to Congress for promotion. They give him a Colonel's commission. He 
recruits his regiment and joins Washington March, 1777. Washington de- 
tails five hundred picked riflemen and puts Morgan in command. Howe 
menaces Philadelphia by way of New Jersey. Washington outgenerals 
him Morgan shows himself a master workman. Howe returns to New 
York to renew the attack by sea 70 

VIII— 1777. 
FALL OF TICONDEROGA. 

Plans of the British ministry are the same as for 1770. Capture of Hudson 
River and Philadelphia. Bnrgoyne advances from Canada down Lake 
Chimplain. Retakes Ticonderoga, causing Continental consternation. 



TABLE OE CONTENTS. IX 

TAGE 

Washington keeps his position near New York as Howe still threatens 
Philadelphia. Gates maneuvres to oust Schuyler from the command of the 
Northern Department. Iutrigues to get the bast of Washington's officers 
and troops. Congress direct that Morgan and the rifle regiment be sent to 
Gates' assistance 76 

IX.— 1777. 

BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE. 

Washington engages Howe with a greatly superior force at the Brandy wine 
and is defeated. Howe takes Philadelphia. Washington ventures another 
battle at Germantown. Loses it. He requests Gates to send back Morgan 
to his assistance. Gates declines to send him. Burgoyne surrenders to 
Gates, who still refuses to send Morgan to Washington. Washington sends 
Colonel Hamilton to demand the troops. 82 

X.— 1777. 
ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. 

Arnold is ordered to Rhode Island to recruit a force against a threatened 
invasion of that coast by a British fleet. Fails to accomplish the purpose. 
The British entrench at Newport. Arnold determines to go to Philadel- 
phia. On his way he hears' that the British have made a raid into Connec- 
ticut to burn the stores at Danbury. The Connecticut militia, - under Woos- 
ter, follow them. Arnold joins them uninvited. Fights windmills ; has two • 
horses killed under him. The British get safely away after having done all 
they came to do. Arnold's "exploits" reach Congress; they present him 
with a horse and a Major-General's commission. He is still dissatisfied. 
Washington offers him a post on the Hudson. He refuses it. Goes to 
Philadelphia to demand an inquiry. Finds that his Canadian misdeeds 
have told heavily against him. The spirits of Ticonderoga and Mont- 
real will not down. He parades his services and his wounds. He is ac- 
quired and sustained. He then presents his accounts for settlement, 
with enormous aggregate in his favor. Suspicions of his knavery. Con- 
gress refuse to settle. He resigns. At that moment Ticonderoga falls. 
Washington soothes him and urges him to join the army before Burgoyne. 
He goes. Undertakes the relief of Fort Stanwix, but does not do it. . .88 

XL— 1777— 1780. 

HORATIO GATES. 

Gates assumes command of the army before Burgoyne August 19th, immedi- 
ately after the battle of Bennington, by which the British were irretrieva- 
bly lamed. Gates' Revolutionary career is one of intrigue, not of service. 
At Saratoga he appropriates laurels that belong to Morgan and others, and 
assumes the role of the conquering hero. After the surrender of Burgoyne 
Congress makes him President of the Board of War. Washington, in eclipse 
at Valley Forge, is now at Gates' tender mercies, which are cruel. He 
works the " cabal." It explodes without harm to Washington, though he 
"suffers exquisite pain." Gates proposes another expedition to Canada. 
It, fails. He occupies other posts, which the tide of war does not reach. In 



X TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

1780 he receives the command of the Southern Department. At Camden he 
attempts to fight his own battle. Camden pricks the bnbble of Saratoga. 
He gets his quietus. 100 

XII. 

BATTLE OF THE COLONELS— No. 1.— 1777. 
Importance of the battles of Saratoga. Rank among the " fifteen decisive bat- 
tles of the world." Defeat, rout, and capture of Burgoyne's army convinces 
Europe of the ultimate triumph of the Colonies. Induces France to ac- 
knowledge us and come openly to our assistance. Of Burgoyne's generals, 
Frazer is most illustrious. Ranks with Tarleton. Both are doomed to be 
outgeneralled and put to shame by Daniel Morgan. Morgan's corps consti- ' 
tute the advance of Gates' army, with discretionary powers to operate ac- 
cording to his judgment. The British attack September 19th. Morgan 
conducts the defence, seconded by Colonels Scammel and Cilly, with other 
colonels. No higher officers in the field. Morgan hurls all his strength 
against Frazer. Finds him a foeman worthy of his steel. Night closes the 
battle The British keep the field, but with far heavier loss than that of the 
Americans. Arnold not upon the field at all. 104 

XIIL— 1777. 

THE SURRENDER. 

Burgoyne hopes for aid from Clinton below. The British again offer battle on 
October 7th. Gates "orders Morgan to begin the game" by attacking in 
front. Morgan judges otherwise, submits his own plan of attack. Gates 
accepts it. Morgan again finds Frazer the invincib'e. Morgan provides for 
his death. With Frazer's fall, fell all. The field battle all over in twenty 
minutes. The Americans pursue and storm the British field-works. Mor- 
gan and his corps rush upon the " Great Redoubt." Gates salutes Morgan 
on his return from the field as the hero of the second battle of Saratoga. 
Arnold had been again forbidden by Gates to go upon the field. Hearing the 
shouts of the victors Arnold rushes in at the heel of the hunt, gets his horse 
killed, and his old wound reopened. His fame secure. Sufferings and he- 
roism of Burgoyne's army. He surrenders October 17th. Gates' toadyism. 
He sounds Morgan for the " cabal " against Washington. Morgan spurns 
the proposition. Gates withdraws his favor from Morgan, and does not 
mention his name in the official account of the second battle. Gales and 
Arnold mere figure-heads. The battles fought by American colonels and 
the yeomanry of New York and New England. Morgan bears the brunt of 
both battles. Congress gives to Gates a gold medal, to Arnold the full rank 
he had demanded, to Morgan nothing 118 

XIV.— 1777, 1778, 1779. 
HARD SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. 
Morgan rejoins Washington, and enters upon a service of eighteen months 
involving continual hardship, toil, and danger. Friendship between Mor- 
gan and La Fayette. In the spring of 1779, finds his constitution breaking 
down. His winter in Canada had developed sciatica. Subsequent exposnre 
had fixed it in his system. Self-respect is wounded. Morgan resigns and 
goes home to his plough. . 104 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XI 

XV.— 1778, 1779. 

ARNOLD AT PHILADELPHIA. 

PAGE 

Arnold nurses his wounded leg through the winter of 1778. Receives Bur- 
goyne's courtly compliments for his valor in the hattle of September 19ih, 
though not on the field. In the spring he visits New Haven, where he is 
received as the hero of Saratoga with demonstrations. On the evacuation 
of Philadelphia by the British he obtains command of that city. The wrong 
man in the wrong place. Enters upon a system of speculation and plunder. 
Gets the merchants by the ears. Quarrels with the Council of Pennsylvania. 
Installs himself in splendor, and marries the belle of tory society. Cor- 
responds with the enemy, and exchanges valuable information for British 
gold. Unpopular with the people. Attacked in the streets. . . . 146 

XVL— 1779, 1780. 
THE COURT-MARTIAL. 

Arnold is court-martialled, and reprimanded in gentle words by Washington. 
Receives it sullenly. Resolves upon treason. Pressed by his creditors, he 
offers himself for sale to the French Ambassador. The Frenchman nobly 
declines. He determines to obtain command of West Point, and sell the 
Hudson River to the British 151 

XVII.— 1780. 
TREASON. 

The complot of Arnold with Clinton. Major Andre. Arnold devises the mis- 
chief with great skill. Finally ensures its failure. Execution of Andre. . 153 

XVIIL— 1780, 1781. 

ARNOLD'S SMALL VILLAINIES. 

Disappoints his new masters. Has no followers. Serves the American cause 
for the first time. British have no confidence in him. Appoint him only to 
the work of the thief and the robber. Ravages, burns, and plunders in 
Virginia and afterwards in Connecticut. His genius only that of the de- 
structive. Goes to England, but finds himself detested. Seeks a command 
in the British service. Never obtains it. Fortune deserts him to the last. . 165 

XIX.— 1779. 

TIDE OF BATTLE FLOWS SOUTHWARD. 

British take Savannah. Gen. Lincoln takes command at the South. French 
and Americans attempt to retake Savannah. Repulsed with slaughter. 
Death of Jasper. Lincoln pens himself up in Charleston with his army. . 172 

XX.— 1780. 
THE SCOURGE OF THE CAROLINAS. 

Clinton summons Lincoln to surrender May 10, 1780. Charleston falls. Tarle- 
ton— his military genius. Clinton leaves Cornwallis, with Tarleton, to finish 



XI 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

the subjugation of the South. They determine to crush out the spirit of 
liberty. Gates appointed to the South. He immediately requests Congress 
to commission Morgan brigadier-general and send him South. Congress 
calls him into the service as Colonel Morgan. To his eternal honor he re- 
mains at home. Gates must needs go alone. Battle of Camden. De Kalb, 
with the Maryland and Delaware troops alone, save American honor. Gates 
flies ignominiously from the field 179 

XXL— 1780. 

PATRIOT LEADERS OF THE SOUTH. 

The South remains unconquered. They rally to the standards of their patriot 
leaders. Davidson, Williams, Davie, Pickens, Sumter, and Marion Tarle- 
ton strikes vigorously at them. Marion alone escapes his wrath. Marion, 
as man and general. Southern militia. Their efficient service. . . .191 

XXIL— 1780. 

BATTLE OF THE COLONELS.— No. 2. 

Cornwallis and Tarleton burn and ravage South Carolina. In September, ' 
1780, move towards North Carolina. The spirit of the mountains wakes. 
Colonels Clarke, Cleaveland, Campbell, Williams, Shelby, and Sevier unite 
the mountain yeomanry of Virginia, Tennessee, the Carolinas, and Georgia. 
They climb Kings Mountain, encircle, and crush the British. A superb 
stroke. No officer above the rank of colonel. Cornwallis and Tarleton re- 
treat back into South Carolina 198 

XXIII. —1780, 1781. 
MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. 

Congress appoints Greene to succeed Gates. His previous career. Journeys 
southward. At Mount Vernon. Assumes command at Charlotte, N. C, 
December 2, 1780. Finds the South but a "Dismal Swamp." Retires to a 
strong position on the Pedee. A " camp of repose." Sumter and Marion 
keep the standard of the Republic waving in the Southern part of the State. 203 

XXIV.— 1780, 1781. 
MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 

Hearing of the disaster of Camden, Morgan stays no longer upon the order of 
his going, but goes at once as Colonel Morgan. Congress, urged by Jeffer- 
son, gives him a brigadier-general's commission. Gates appoints him to 
command what of the Maryland and Delaware line survived the day of Cam- 
den. He takes post in upper South Carolina. Greene relieves Gates and 
confirms Morgan in this separate command. Morgan is now threatened 
with the whole British army under Cornwallis, Tarleton, and Leslie. He 
wishes to move southward and menace their kr.ver posts. Greene objects. 
Correspondence of Greene and Morgan. Greene lias been handsomely rein- 
forced, but still remains inactive. Morgan asks for Lee's corps of cavalry, 
and for some diversion by the main army in his favor. Greene sends Lee 
in an opposite direction. Morgan signifies that he must retreat before so 
powerful a force. Greene objects to a retreat. Curious correspondence. 
Tarleton close upon Morgan 213 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. Xlll 

XXV.— 1781. 

AT THE COWPENS. 

PAGE 

Tarleton, with superior forces, pursues Morgan. Morgan falls back to a bat- 
tle-ground of his own choice Turns upon Tarleton, crushes, routs, and • 
annihilates his whole army. The most brilliant field fight of the war, and 
the first defeat that Tarleton receives. Splendid service of Howard of Ma- 
ryland, and of Col. Washington. Parallels between the battles of Cowpens 
and Trenton. Parallels between Morgan and Shakespeare's royal hero, 
Henry V 232 

XXVI. —1781. 

MORGAN'S RETEEAT TO GUILFORD COURT-HOUSE. 

Tarleton cannot account for his amazing defeat. It remains a mystery. Mor- 
gan not elated by his superb victory. Knows that he will have the whole 
British pack at his heels. His retreat shows greater genius than the battle. 
Resorts to ruse, and misleads Comwallis. Loaded down with spoils and 
prisoners he crosses the Broad, the Pacolet, and the Catawba. Halts here, 
hoping to fight again if Greene will bring up the main army in time. Twelve 
days after the battle Greene rides into Morgan's camp with only an escort 
of cavalry. The main army, nnder Huger, is lumbering up towards another 
point. Morgan is broken down with ague, malaria, and sciatica, from ex- 
posure to the winter rains. Seeing no hope of disputing the crossing of 
the Catawba by Cornwallis, Morgan marches away toward the Yad ..in. 
Leaves Greene at the Catawba to collect the militia, embarrass the enemy, 
and follow. Morgan crosses the Yadkin and takes over a flying population, 
who hear that Tarleton is coming. "Great Heart" gets them all safely 
over. He staggers on. Can no longer sit his horse. Writes back to Greene 
that at Guilford Court-House he must quit the service and go home to 
recruit. Brings his army to Guilford February 8th. Greene's army, 
under Huger, arrive there the next day, February 9, 1781 249 

XXVII— 1781. 
MORGAN AT HOME. 

Morgan reaches home exhausted and worn to the bone. Receives the con- 
gratulations of Congress, with gold medal. Also those of State officials and 
brother officers. The battle of Cowpens is severely criticised. Morgan's 
motives and judgment impugned. Also his motives in leaving the service 
at that time 262 

XXVIII.— 1781. 

GREENE'S RETREAT ACROSS THE DAN. 

Greene remains at the Catawba to collect the militia. Davidson, with five 
hundred militia, gather at the Catawba and dispute the crossing of Corn- 
wallis' army. Davidson is killed, and the militia scatter. Greene waits 
for the militia sixteen miles away. He afterwards joins all forces at Guil- 
ford Court-House. His force.; equal those of Cornwallis, but he declines to 



X1Y TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

fijrht. Retreats over the Dan to Virginia. Heavily reinforced, he recrosses 
ihc Dan. Cornwallis, with less than half Greene's force, offers him hattle 
at Guilford Court-House. Greene accepts, and is defeated. Cornwallis 
falls down towards Wilmington. Greene now resolves to push holdly 
into South Carolina and surprise Lord Rawdon at Camden. Unfortunately, 
Greene's letters fall into Rawdon's hands. Greene finds the works at Cam- 
den too strong to assault. Takes position at Hobkirk's hill. Rawdon sur- 
prises Greene. Greene is worsted and retreats. The war in South Carolina 
now becomes a war of posts. May 8th, Marion takes Fort Watson below, 
and so compels Rawdon to evacuate Camden. May 11, Sumter takes Or- 
angeburgh. May 12, Marion and Rebecca Motte take Fort Motte. June 
5th, Sumter takes Fort Grunby, and Colonel Lee takes Augusta. Thus, 
by July, 1781, Sumter, Marion, and Lee compel the evacuation of the whole 
State except the seacoast between Charleston and Savannah. . . . 267 

XXIX.-1781. 
MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. 

At the urgent call of the Virginia State officials and of La Fayette, Morgan 
girds on his sword to meet Tarleton, now in Virginia. He joins La Fayette, 
who gives him command of all the light troops and cavalry. Gives Tarle- 
ton one more chase. After three weeks' service Morgan breaks down again. 
Goes home, having struck his last blow for the cause 275 

XXX.— 1781. 

YORKTOWN. 

Washington, assured of the co-operation of the French fleets, decides upon 
the siege of Yorktown. De Grassc defeats the British fleet at the mouth of 
the Chesapeake. Washington, near New York, misleads Clinton as to his 
plans. Marches his army at double-quick through Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
and down to Annapolis, whence the French vessels take them to Williams- 
burgh. Washington visits Mount Vernon for the first time in six years. 
Cornwallis hopes for succor from Clinton by sea. The siege progresses. 
Perfect accord between the French and American officers. Cornwallis at- 
tempts to escape by the James River. Storm drives him back. Hs capitu- 
lates. Cornwallis remains in his tent and sends his sword. Washington 
sustains the national dignity 280 

XXXI.-1781. 

AT LAST. 

A Nation's thanksgiving. Needless misunderstanding between Washington 
and Morgan. Morgan at home Improved health and fortunes. Takes 
arms again during the "Whiskey Insurrection," as major-general of the 
Virginia forces. Is elected to Congress. Health again fails. The " Happy 
Warrior" turns his thoughts heavenward. Protracted invalidism. Death. 
Character and services. High order of miLtary genius 291 




j2~~/i 




I. 

DANIEL MORGAN— HEEO. 

" I took thee from the eheep-cote to be a prince and a ruler." 

IT is no matter of regret to us, that the human origin 
of our hero is overhung with mystery. We like it. 
What a license this obscurity gives to the imagination ! 
The old Greeks would have set it down thus — " Son of 

Jupiter and ." We moderns might do well to take 

a hint out of this hoar and beautiful Greek mythology, 
that so delighted to mix up the gods with the affairs 
of men. 

Eternal truth ! that has bloomed into a higher meaning 
in our Christianity, where God in His word and in His 
Providence continually shows us, how He renews the 
world from the lowliest sources, using the things that 
are not, to confound the mighty, and bring to nought the 
things that are. 

Nature disallows heredity, and hacks it with a two- 
edged sword. How shall we account for Luther, Shak- 
spere, Cromwell, Napoleon or Washington ? Having them 
here without precedent, we thereupon build great expecta- 
tions, and behold the outcome. 

Nature is averse to dynasties, and when there is brave 
work to be done, the workmen spring into their places 
by the word of His power. 

One person only, could have lifted the veil of mys- 
tery from his antecedents, — our hero himself, — but he 
declined to do it, nor did he give a reason for the silence 
he maintained. There was some vague hint that he 



16 DANIEL MORGAN — HERO. 

was of Welsh extraction ; his parents having emigrated 
thither somewhere between 1720 and 1730. But no 
reminiscence of father, mother, sister or brother, child- 
hood or home ever escaped him. It is uncertain whether 
he had his birthplace in New Jersey or Pennsylvania, 
his family having lived on both sides of the river, alter- 
nately. His descendants give it to New Jersey about 
1736. There is another misty suggestion, that he ran 
away from home upon some disagreement with his father. 
We would, however, better take him just as we find him, 
Daniel Morgan, "Native American " in its loftiest sense, 
asking no questions. We like to think that there must 
have been honor and virtue in the stock that sent forth 
such a shoot — perhaps wrong and injustice somewhere ; 
but over all, our hero draws a pall of unbroken silence. 
Yet we know of a surety that the gods were there, and 
did set their seal to give the world assurance of a man. 

These first seventeen years of Morgan's life, then, we 
call his prehistoric age — but from this time he begins to 
give account of himself. At this age he found his environ- 
ments too straight, and for causes that seemed adecpiate 
to justify a hegira, he left his home. He worked his 
way honestly down through Pennsylvania, and in the 
spring of 1754, crossed into Virginia, and stopped at a 
small place — Charlestown, Jefferson Co. By adoption, 
then, Morgan was a Virginian. There were giants in 
Virginia in those days. 

So this boy of seventeen shook off the past, and looked 
the world fairly in the face on his own account. He was 
poorly equipped as to external helps. He could barely 
read and write, — rude of speech and unvarnished in man- 
ner ; — but he had a strong arm and a brave heart ; he was 
honest and scorned a lie. He obtained employment imme- 
diately ; his first task being to grub a piece of ground, in 
a primitive state. Doing this well, he presently superin- 
tended a saw-mill, and shortly after, obtained the moro 



DANIEL MORGAN — HERO. 17 

lucrative and responsible post of wagoner. The savings 
of two years more of honest toil, made him owner of a 
wagon and team. These two years had wrought a marked 
improvement in Morgan. The boy was developing a mag- 
nificent physique — over six feet in height, limbs of fine 
proportion, sinews of iron — a young Hercules, with a face 
full of frank intelligence ; with all, a good stock of mother 
wit and practical common sense. He had found time, 
too, to improve his mind, and had gained the confidence 
of his neighbors. 

But stirring events were at hand. The French had long 
looked with jealous eyes at the vigorous young English 
settlements that had climbed the Alleghanies and were 
pushing rapidly towards the valley of the Ohio. French 
and English blood had already crimsoned its green slopes. 
French arms had wrested from the English the fort at its' 
head-waters, and young Colonel Washington had suffered 
a defeat at " Great Meadows." The English government, 
alarmed at the success of the French, sent a splendidly- 
equipped army, under General Braddock, to reinstate 
British interests on the Ohio. He arrived in the Poto- 
mac, disembarked and marched to Fort Cumberland. Here 
the call for wagons and teams was urgent. Morgan at 
once responded, and commenced his military career as a 
teamster. It is on this march that we read the first charac- 
teristic anecdote of him : 

" A difficulty arose between the captain of a company 
of Virginia troops (to which Morgan was attached as 
wagoner) and a powerful fellow, who had the reputation of 
being a skillful pugilist and a great bully. It was agreed 
that at the first halt the matter should be settled by a 
fight. When the company halted for dinner, the captain 
stepped out to meet his antagonist, when Morgan accosted 
him, saying : • Captain, you must not fight that man.' 

"'Why not?' 

"' Because you are our captain, and if the fellow whips 



18 DANIEL MORGAN — HERO. 

you, we shall all be disgraced. Let me fight him, and if 
he whips me, it will not hurt the credit of the company.' 

" The captain remonstrated, but at last yielded. Mor- 
gan at once engaged the bully, who soon cried — 'hold, 
enough ! ' " * 

Soon after, followed the shameful defeat and retreat of 
Braddock, pursued by the French and Indians. Most of 
the terrified teamsters in the rear of the army, on learning 
of the disaster, disencumbered their teams and drove o"ff 
to the settlements. Not Morgan, — he with a few others 
remained to bring off the sick and wounded. He doubt- 
less witnessed the burial of Braddock in the road, Wash- 
ington reading the burial service and afterwards driving 
over the grave, as did all the wagons, to prevent its dis- 
covery by the Indians. Here Morgan first saw Washing- 
ton, who was from this time one of his chief inspirations 
to all goodness and nobleness. 

The effect of the defeat of Braddock was to lay open 
the whole terrified frontier settlements of Pennsylvania 
and Virginia to the vengeance of the foe. The governor 
of Virginia promptly raised a regiment and appointed 
Washington to its command. Morgan, as teamster, was 
attached to the quartermaster's department. His duty 
was to transport supplies to the military posts along the 
frontier. This constantly exposed him to hair-breadth 
escapes from the lurking foe ; but it was the school in 
which he was training for the infallible marksman he 
afterwards became, and to that perfect knowledge of 
Indian warfare so invaluable in his subsequent career. 
In the spring of 1757, at Fort Chiswell, occurred an event 
which left indelible marks upon body and mind. 

"A British lieutenant, taking offence at something 
which Morgan had said or done, abused him in violent 
terms, and at length struck him with the flat of his sword. 

* GraJiavin Life of Morgan, p. 28. 



DANIEL MOEGAJST — HEEO. 19 

Morgan's indomitable spirit could not brook this outrage. 
With one blow of his clenched fist, he stretched the officer 
senseless on the ground. An offence so grave against 
military law called, of course, for summary and exemplary 
punishment. A drum-head court-martial sentenced Mor- 
gan to receive five hundred lashes. He was immediately 
stripped and tied up, and received at once the allotted 
number of lashes, save one. When the terrible enormity 
was over, the flesh of his back hung down in tags. Only 
such an iron constitution as his could have survived an 
act of cruelty so extraordinary, even in the British army 
of that day. The officer feeling, upon reflection, that he 
had been in the Avrong, and regretting the consequences 
which had followed, made Morgan a public apology. Slight 
as such atonement was for so deep an injury, Morgan 
accepted it, and from that moment discharged from his 
mind all resentment towards the author of his sufferings 
and disgrace." * 

Here crops out that incredible magnanimity which was 
so large an element in Morgan's character. That British 
whipping was, however, to be paid back with interest. 

Soon after, the French and Indians came down in such 
numbers into Virginia that the whole garrison of Fort 
Edward, within twenty miles of Winchester, fell victims 
to their fury. So great was the consternation, that the 
militia was called out. Morgan promptly obeyed the call, 
and marched to Fort Edward. Here he makes his first 
appearance as a soldier. His rank we do not know, but 
it must have been one of, at least, temporary command. 
The fort was attacked by a formidable body of French 
and Indians. The assault was furious, but the inspiration 
of Morgan's presence and example resulted in the repulse 
and flight of the assailants. It is said that he killed four 
savages in as many minutes. Morgan's voice, under the 

* Graham's Life of Morgan. 



20 DANIEL MORGAN — HERO. 

stimulus of the battlefield, was worth a regiment of men. 
As the savages turned and fled, he shouted at the height 
of his powerful voice, " Let us follow the red devils ; " 
the garrison to a man joined in the pursuit, overtook and 
slaughtered the flying foe, and cleared the vicinity of their 
cruel presence. Here Morgan made his mark. The cool- 
ness not less than the daring, the judgment not less than 
the courage, above all, his influence over those he com- 
manded, were observed and reported. 

He was soon after commended to Governor Dinwiddie 
for a captain's commission. But the royal governor was 
averse to promotions — one who was but yesterday a 
teamster ! * 

The leading men of his section continued, however, to 
urge his advancement, in view of the value of his influence 
in raising recruits. There was little difficulty in getting 
men to enlist under Morgan. At last Dinwiddie so far 
yielded as to grant him an ensign's commission. He took 
post at once at Fort Edward. 

Not long after occurred that tragic and deadly encoun- 
ter with a party of Indians, where the unseen God of 
heroes plucked him from out the very jaws of death. 

* In illustration of Governor Dinwiddie's arrogance, it is related 
tliat he had much offended Washington by making the king's 
officers always outrank the American officers of the same grade. 
This reduced Washington from the rank of colonel to_ captain. For 
a time Dinwiddie allowed no higher rank than captain for any 
American officer. Washington indignantly threw up his commis- 
sion and accompanied Braddock as volunteer aid. Some time after 
this, Governor Sharpe, of Maryland, who greatly needed him, pro- 
posed to Washington to return to the service, with the title of 
colonel but the actual authority of captain. With characteristic 
dignity, Washington wrote, " If you think me capable of holding a 
commission that has neither rank nor emolument annexed to it, you 
must maintain a very contemptible opinion of my weakness, and 
believe me more empty than the commission itself." He was at 
tliis time in his twenty -third year. 



DANIEL MORGAN" — HERO. 21 

On his way from one of the frontier forts with despatches 
for the commanding officer at Winchester, he had reached 
a remarkable precipice called Hanging Eock. It was a 
memorable place of Indian ambuscade, and had been the 
scene of bloody encounters between the riyal tribes of Ca- 
tawba and Delaware Indians. A party of Frenchmen and 
Indians had concealed themselves among the rocks over- 
hanging the road, and waiting until Morgan and his escort 
came immediately below, they discharged their rifles, kill- 
ing the escort and desperately wounding Morgan. A ball 
entering at the back of the neck, grazed the left side of 
the neck bone ; it passed through the mouth near the 
socket of the jaw-bone, and came out through the left 
cheek, knocking out all the teeth on the left side. Mor- 
gan supposed himself mortally wounded ; he was bleeding 
profusely, and felt himself becoming helplessly weak. 
He was well mounted, however, and leaning forward, he 
grasped the neck of the noble animal and urged her into 
motion. Fortunately for her rider, she took the road 
back to the fort. A fleet Indian runner followed him for 
some time, expecting every moment to see him fall from 
his horse. Morgan's one thought was to get beyond the 
reach of his pursuers and so save his body from mutila- 
tion. With his last strength he urged on the animal 
with his heels, and putting forth all her speed, she bore 
him beyond the reach of the Indian, never slackening her 
speed until she reached the fort. Morgan was lifted from 
his horse perfectly insensible. He lay for months between 
life and death, but care and judicious treatment, with the 
iron fibre of his constitution, brought him again to life 
and strength. Notwithstanding the innumerable perils 
he encountered in his long military career — and his place 
was evermore in the fore-front of the battle, and in the 
hottest of the fight — this was the only wound he ever 
received. 

" The late Morgan Neville (a grandson of Morgan), in 



22 DANIEL MORGAN — HERO. 

a biographical sketch of the general, says : ' I well remem- 
ber, when a boy, hearing General Morgan describe in his 
powerful and graphic style, tbe expression of the Indian's 
face as he ran with open mouth and tomahawk in hand, 
by the side of his horse, expecting every moment to see 
his victim fall. But when the panting savage found the 
horse was fast leaving him behind, he threw his tomahawk 
without effect and abandoned the pursuit with a yell of 
disappointed rage.' " * 

But the war drew to its close — a war too much crowded 
out of our sight and sympathy by the brilliant associations 
of our struggle for independence — yet a scarcely less im- 
portant one, since it secured this North American conti- 
nent to the custody of Anglo-Saxon Protestant civilization. 



Morgan had done brave service and was home again ; 
but he had brought with him, besides military glory, dis- 
cipline, and experience, the vices of the camp. Here begins 
a period of wild-oat sowing. Says his biographer, "He 
weighed at this time two hundred pounds, yet without 
an ounce of superfluous flesh." With such a constitution 
he could drink deeply, yet was never seen intoxicated. 
He gambled, and always played a winning game. His 
fame as an athlete went far and near, and noted pugilists 
came to try his skill. He kept the field. In short, we 
are sketching the career of one with whose name failure 
keeps no company. Morgan was a marvellous success from 
beginning to end. 

It was but a brief episode in the great man's life ; for 
God sent his angel to him, in the form of a modest, lov- 
ing, devout woman, unschooled, untrained, the daughter 
of a farmer of Morgan's own rank in life — by name, 

* Graham's Life of Morgan. 



DANIEL MORGAN — HERO. 23 

Abigail Bailey. The rustic beauty laid her maidenly spell 
upon the strong man and drew him gently away from his 
evil courses. " The light of her eyes smote into his life," 
and he left all, — his tavern boon companions, the fighting 
ring, the gaming-table and the wine-cup, and followed her 
into clean paths. 

Through these years of wild life, he had yet maintained 
his habits of thrift and industry, and was able to establish 
his wife in a handsome two-story dwelling — for those 
days — -on a valuable piece of land about ten miles east of 
Winchester. He called it " Soldier's Best." 

He was soon called from his quiet home by the outbreak 
of Pontiac's War. During this struggle he held the rank 
of lieutenant, and lost nothing of his military reputation. 
The war was a short one, and, returning home, Morgan 
had nine years of happy life in the pure atmosphere of a 
Christian household. Uneventful they seem in such a 
career as his, yet most important — years of noiseless 
influences, and quiet development of all the germs of 
virtue and nobleness in his deep, broad nature. Abigail 
and two soft-eyed little girls were his household treasures. 
His wife's influence was most marked ; helpful alike to 
his moral and mental growth. Both felt keenly their 
educational deficiencies, and both worked earnestly to 
supply the lack. It is said that in after years, Mrs. Mor- 
gan filled with ease and dignity the high social position 
to which her husband advanced her. 

His material interests during this period were by no 
means neglected. His farming and stock-raising brought 
him rich returns ; while his military grants for services in 
the previous wars had made him a large land-owner. 

In 1771, Gov. Nelson commissioned him captain of the 
militia of Frederick county. Two years after we find him 
again in military service, on the frontier, in Lord Dun- 
more's war. At its successful termination, on their return 
home, the division to which Morgan was attached heard 



24 DANIEL MOEGAN — HERO. 

of the startling events at the north, and the threatening 
aspect of public affairs — the closing of the Port of Boston, 
the appointment of a day of fasting and prayer, and the 
meeting of the first National Congress for deliberation, at 
Philadelphia. 

In a sketch of Morgan's military career, written by 
himself, occurs the following : — " Upon learning these 
things, we, as an army victorious, formed ourselves into a 
society, pledging our word of honor to each other,- to 
assist our brethren of Boston in case hostilities should 
commence." 

Events followed with startling rapidity. Lexington, 
April 19, 1775 ; Breeds Hill, June 17 ; June 10, the 
Continental Congress, and on the 14th the appointment 
of George Washington as commander-in-chief of the 
twenty thousand men to be raised for .the defence of 
American liberties. Congress also called into service ten 
companies of riflemen from Pennsylvania, Maryland and 
Virginia. Of one of the two, from Virginia, Morgan was 
by unanimous vote of the committee of Frederick county, 
chosen captain. 

He had for some time intelligently watched the points 
in dispute between England and America and had taken 
his position. He saw it in its various aspects ; but most 
of all he weighed it as a question of justice and human 
rights ; whether the sham manhood of the old world 
should tread down the real manhood of the new. He 
embraced the cause of the Revolution with all the intensity 
of his nature. 

His commission was dated June 22, 1775. In less than 
ten days, he left Winchester at the head of ninety-six 
hardy mountain yeomanry who had promptly answered to 
his call, — all practised marksmen with the rifle. 

They marched to Boston in twenty-one days, a distance 
of six hundred miles, without the loss of a man, and 
reported to the commander-in-chief. 



II 

BENEDICT AENOLD— MOCK HERO. 

" Techy and wayward was thy infancy, 
Thy school-days, frightful, desperate, wild and furious, 
Thy prime of manhood, daring, bold and venturous, 
Thy age confirmed, proud, subtle, sly and bloody. 
Shame serves thy life and doth thy death attend." 

KlCHARD III. 

BEFORE proceeding further in Morgan's career, we 
must look after our mock-hero, Benedict Arnold ; 
for these two begin now to bear each other company, and 
so continue with brief intervals, until after the surrender 
of Burgoyne, mid- way of the war. 

We shall find sharp contrasts from the very outset. We 
have said of Morgan that he was a marvellous success ; 
we have to say of Arnold that he was an unmitigated 
failure from first to last. Victory fled from him — honor 
would none of him : the way of the transgressor was hard. 

The child was father to the man. Born at Norwich, 
Connecticut, 1740, of fine old colonial stock, which had 
deteriorated on the paternal side. He had an excellent 
mother. One of his favorite boyish amusements was, 
the robbing of birds' nests and mangling the young in 
sight of the old birds, that he might be entertained 
by their piteous cries. His family was in such cir- 
cumstances that he enjoyed very fair opportunities of 
education, one of his tutors being Dr. Jewett, a teach- 
er of celebrity; but he showed no fondness for study, 
and wa* therefore apprenticed to the brothers Lathrop, 
9, 



2G BENEDICT ARNOLD— MOCK-HERO. 

druggists, at Norwich — men of wealth, energy and in- 
tegrity. 

They were relatives of Arnold's mother, and disposed 
to advance the boy's interests — the more because his 
father had sunk into intemperance, poverty and obscurity. 
But his patrons soon found they had taken a bad subject. 
He was ungrateful, deaf to entreaty or advice, impatient 
of restraint, without natural affection or conscience, utterly 
indifferent to good or ill report, and possessing an innate 
and inveterate love of cruel mischief and wanton destruc- 
tion — on this wise : 

" Near the drug shop was a school-house, and he would 
scatter in the path broken pieces of glass, taken from the 
crates, by which the children would cut their feet in going 
to and from school. Cracked and imperfect phials were 
percpiisites of the apprentices ; an amiable fellow apprentice 
was in the habit of placing his share on the outside of the 
door and letting the small boys take them away. Arnold did 
the same, but when he had thus decoyed the boys, and they 
were busy picking them up, he would rush out, horsewhip 
in hand, call them thieves, and beat them without mercy. 

"He was likewise fond of all feats of daring, always 
foremost in danger and as fearless as he was wickedly 
mischievous. Sometimes he took corn to a grist mill, and 
while waiting for the meal, he would amuse himself and 
astonish his playmates, by clinging to the arms of a large 
water-wheel and passing with it beneath and above the 
water." * 

No marvel that such a character should have despised 
the monotony of the drug shop, and at sixteen enlisted in 
the British army without the knowledge of his friends. 
The grief of his mother induced her pastor Dr. Lord and 
others to interfere, and effect his release. 

He ran away a second time, re-enlisted and was sta- 

* For this and more, sse " Sparks' Life ef Arnold." 



BENEDICT ARNOLD— MOCK HERO. 27 

tioned at Ticonderoga. But garrison duty was tame — it 
involved restraint, discipline, and obedience, and as there 
was neither profit nor adventure to offset these, he deserted 
and returned to Norwich. When a British officer soon 
after passed through the town in search of deserters, young- 
Arnold was secreted by his friends in a cellar. During 
the time of his residence in Mr. Lathrop's family, he gave 
infinite trouble. Happily for her, his mother, borne down 
with grief and anxiety and melancholy forebodings of the 
future of this wayward boy, sunk broken-hearted into the 
grave before he reached his manhood. 

At the end of his apprenticeship, the Lathrops kindly 
assisted him to commence the drug business in New Haven. 
He showed energy but no judgment, and soon embarked 
in shipping to the West Indies, in addition to his regular 
business. He made several voyages thither, and fought 
one or two duels. His turbulent, imperious manners, and 
his want of moral principle, continually involved him in 
contention and difficulty, and his speculations finally 
"ended in bankruptcy, under circumstances that left a 
stain upon his honesty and good faith." 

We do not gather grapes of thorns nor figs of thistles — 
and the development of Arnold's subsequent villainy, 
seems eminently logical, consecutive and legitimate. 

He is an uncanny subject to dissect ; one can find 
nothing but foulness and deformity. His combativeness 
and destructiveness were inordinate ; his dominant passion 
was avarice, which developed with frightful rapidity. The 
love of mastery was strong ; his will was a cyclone ; a 
scheming visionary withal, and utterly without delicacy or 
sentiment. No justification, apology or extenuation seem 
possible. Explanation, perhaps, in the fact that he was 
born almost or altogether without moral sense. The word 
idiot expresses one born without intellect, but it remains 
for our lexicographers to supply us a word for one born 
without moral sense. 



28 BENEDICT ARNOLD — MOCK HERO. 

Given the elements — with the plus and minus that 
went to make up Benedict Arnold — we could have no 
other than the miserable outcome the world got. Though 
Ave can by no means repress the loathing, we find ourselves 
forbidden either to hate or scorn ; human depravity, pass- 
ing a certain point, excites pity rather than any other 
feeling. A great mystery is here wrapped up. We can- 
not break the seals; "vessels of wrath," "raging waves 
foaming out their own shame," "wandering stars" loosed 
from their orbits "to whom is reserved the blackness of 
darkness." 

Out of such volcanic forces it is clear we can get no 
geueralship. Arnold was a military blunderer, nothing 
more. The war found him a ruined merchant, and as 
military life opened before him a prospect of adventure, 
distinction and profit, he eagerly entered upon it. He 
was captain of a New Haven company when the news of 
the massacre of Lexington reached the town. He assem- 
bled his company, harangued his townsmen, and proposed 
to lead any number of volunteers who would go with him, 
to Boston. 

Sixty assembled the next day ; they had no ammunition. 
Arnold applied to the selectmen, but they refused to fur- 
nish it without higher authority. Arnold sent word that 
if the keys of the magazine were not forthcoming, he would 
break it open. The selectmen yielded. 



The project of a sudden descent upon Ticonderoga had 
already been quietly matured at Hartford, and a party 
of Connecticut men had gone forward to join Ethan 
Allen and his Green Mountain boys. Arnold had got 
some hint of .this, but he hoped yet to outstrip them, for 
immediately on reaching Cambridge he represented to the 
" Massachusetts Committee of Safety," in the liveliest 



BENEDICT ARNOLD — MOCK HERO. 29 

colors, the practicability and advantages of such an enter- 
prise. They at once commissioned him colonel in the 
Massachusetts service, furnished him one hundred pounds 
in cash, with authority to draw further sums for all 
necessary supplies and provisions for a body of troops 
not to exceed four hundred. These he was to enlist 
in the western part of the State and proceed to Ticon- 
deroga. 

Arnold hastened to the western frontier, and there 
heard that the other detachment had reached Lake Cham- 
plain. He left his party, and with only one attendant, 
pushed on and overtook them twenty-five miles from 
Ticonderoga. He announced himself, showed his com- 
mission, and claimed the command of the expedition. 
This insolent assurance of a stranger, assuming to act 
under authority which they did not recognize, was 
promply resented, especially by the Vermont boys, who 
were warmly attached to Allen; they refused to march a 
step after the intruder. 

Seeing he could not carry the point, Arnold proposed 
to accompany them as a volunteer, holding his rank 
in abeyance. The assault upon the fort was successful, 
and Arnold insisted upon entering the gate at Allen's left 
hand. Fairly in the fort, this meddling, masterful spirit 
again asserted his right to the command of the post and 
all the troops ; but as they were commissioned and paid 
by Connecticut, they stoutly withstood him. 

Arnold was again forced to submit, under protest, how- 
ever, and he immediately sent a list of grievances to the 
Massachusetts Committee. Meantime, letters had been 
sent back both to Connecticut and Massachusetts concern- 
ing his insolent conduct, whereupon the legislature ap- 
pointed a committee to repair to Lake Champlain to 
investigate the "spirit, capacity, and conduct" of Arnold, 
and if they thought it advisable, to order his immediate 
return to Massachusetts., to render an account of the 



30 BENEDICT ARNOLD — MOCK HEEO. 

money, ammunition and stores he had received, and the 
debts he had contracted in the name of the colony. He 
was also to recognize the superior authority of the officer 
from Connecticut. 

The Committee found him at Crown Point, and laid 
their instructions before him. Arnold was enraged : "He 
said that an order to inquire into his conduct when no 
charge had been exhibited against him, was unprecedented; 
that the assumption to judge of his capacity and spirit, 
was an indignity : that this point ought to have been 
decided before they honored him with their confidence. 
He declared that he had already paid out of his own 
pocket for the public service more than one hundred 
pounds, and contracted debts on his personal credit in 
procuring necessaries for the army, which he was bound 
to pay or leave the post with dishonor, and finally that he 
would not submit to the degradation of being superseded 
by a junior officer. He followed this up by a formal 
resignation." * 

He soon afterward returned to Cambridge to lodge his 
complaints of ill-usage against the legislature, and also to 
present his accounts for settlement. "His accounts were 
finally allowed and settled, although with a reluctance 
which indicated doubt and suspicion." 

So much for Arnold's part in the capture of Ticon- 
deroga, into which he had so unhandsomely thrust him- 
self, and to which he contributed no necessary or essen- 
tial part ; yet he managed so to associate himself with 
it, before the public, that he unduly shared the prestige 
of the enterprise, while the waste and loss and ill feel- 
ing which he had occasioned were never weighed against 
him. 

But his mischievous devices at this time extended 
farther. While on the Lakes, he wrote to Congress that 

'"' Sparks' Life of Arnold. 



BENEDICT ARNOLD — MOCK HERO. 31 

he had sent an agent to Montreal to investigate the British 
force there, and discover the temper of the Canadians 
towards America. He wrote in high feather, sanguine 
that the whole of Canada could, be taken with two thou- 
sand men, laid before them plans for the campaign, offer- 
ing to lead the expedition and be responsible for the 
results. He assured Congress that the Canadians had 
promised to open the gates upon the appearance of an 
American army, and that General Carleton had not more 
than five hundred effective men, who were scattered at 
various points. 

These representations were by no means without effect, 
though Congress was not yet prepared to act. There 
were doubtless weighty reasons and other advocates for 
the attempt, especially among the members from the New 
England States. Be that as it may, certes it came nigh 
to be a Sicilian expedition, with Arnold for its Alcibiades. 

Two months later, in August, 1775, Congress ordered 
the attack, assigning the command, however, to Schuyler. 
He soon fell ill ; most likely with disgust. Living in 
Northern New York, he knew something of the perils and 
impracticabilities of such an enterprise. Bancroft says, 
" The path across the Atlantic and up the St. Lawrence 
was more easily traversed than the road by land from the 
colonies to Quebec." The noble Montgomery succeeded 
Schuyler, only to be sacrificed. They were to proceed by 
the Lakes, to capture all intervening forts, Montreal and 
Quebec. 

Having failed to win Congress to his schemes, Arnold, 
now idle at Cambridge, since resigning his Massachusetts 
commission, got the ear of Washington, and urged the expe- 
dition through Maine.* He showed the journal of a British 
officer who had made the journey, and also a manuscript 
map of the country watered by the Kennebec. He had been 

* Maine Hist. Society, Vol. I, p. 341. 



32 BENEDICT ARNOLD — MOCK UERO. 

himself in Canada, and knew the heart of the Canadians. 
He was entirely satisfied of the feasibility of penetrating- 
Maine with a division of the army, which could surprise 
Quebec, now so feebly garrisoned, and thus co-operate 
with Montgomery in the reduction of Canada. He was 
certain of the result, and proposed himself as the leader 
of the enterprise. Phaeton would drive Apollo's steeds. 

Here begins that strange mastery which Arnold exerted 
over Washington ; that incredible fascination which held 
and compelled the uninterrupted favor and patronage of 
the commander-in-chief — a fascination which nothing 
could disparage or impair, until the enormous villainy of 
West Point suddenly uncovered him. 



Ill— 1775. 
WASHINGTON AND HIS GENERALS. 

WASHINGTON towered above the average humanity. 
Ordinary mortals could not climb to his level, or 
exist in his atmosphere. The faults of such a character 
could only be virtues in excess. The elements were so 
mixed in him that it is impossible to know whether judg- 
ment outweighed modesty, modesty courage, courage mag- 
nanimity, magnanimity patience, or whether integrity 
outweighed them all. Yet he knew not that " he was not 
as other men." 

Two things he utterly lacked — self-assertion and the 
power to suspect. Washington ivas nothing of a detective. 
He was egregiously deceived in Lee, Gates and Arnold, and 
unaccountably continued under the delusion. 

The power of an ignoble over a noble soul is as old as 
Eden. Othello in the toils of Iago shows it ; Eichard, 
prince of villains, with his superhuman genius of destruc- 
tion, draws all about him into his current, and whirls 
with them down the swift steeps of ruin. 

If Benedict Arnold be taken as the product of a New 
England puritan village, he is scarcely shamed by the 
parallels of such barbaric times. 

Certain it is, he had succeeded in achieving a sudden 
reputation for brilliant military talents, and " the cause" 
was much in need of such. Let us see what help Wash- 
ington could count upon in prosecuting the heavy work 
he had undertaken. " On the day of the battle of Bunker 
Hill, Congress had elected four Major Generals : — Arte- 



34 WASHINGTON AND HIS GENERALS. 

mas Ward, a worthy man of some ability, but old and out 
of health ; diaries Lee, an Englishman, a traitor, a mili- 
tary adventurer, true to no cause and no man, passionate, 
complaining and abusive, and in time of danger, a coward. 
Philip Schuyler, a true patriot and a true man, generously 
using his credit, influence and resources for the cause, 
but he lacked nerve ; Israel Putnam, incompetent for 
such a position and too old to learn. Horatio Gates came 
next as Adjutant General, with rank of Brigadier, a place- 
seeker without character or military talent." 

Bancroft says : " The continent took up arms with but 
one general officer who drew to himself the love and trust 
of the country, and with not one of the five below him fit 
to succeed to his place." 

They also elected eight Brigadier Generals. 

" Seth Pomeroy. — Well esteemed, — seventy years old. 

" Richard Montgomery. — Seventh in rank from Wash- 
ington, second in merit. 

" David Wooster. — A man of integrity and patriotism, — 
sixty-five years old. 

" William Heath. — Vain and incompetent. 

" Joseph Spencer. — Highly esteemed, but without ex- 
perience. 

"John Thomas. — Next to Montgomery in merit. 

"John Sullivan. — Vain, boastful and ambitious. 

"Nathaniel Greene. — Who, after Washington; had no 
superior in natural resources." 

These are substantially Bancroft's estimates. 

This was a far more unpromising military list than any 
one at that time suspected ; yet Washington had urged 
upon Congress the appointment of both Lee and Gates, 
and himself gave Arnold his commission. 

Congress had honored Washington with large responsi- 
bility, but the authority that should have accompanied it 
was reserved to itself, multiplying infinitely his labors and 
vexations. King George and the British army were, 



WASHINGTON AND HIS GENERALS. o5 

•throughout the whole war, the least of his afflictions. 
While he arranged, Congress and its "Boards of War" 
disarranged. The cause was constantly to be saved from 
its friends. Besides his immediate prodigious army corre- 
spondence, he conducted another equally prodigious, with 
members of Congress, state governors and officers, with 
private individuals and with foreign courts and officials. 
All complaints and grievances, from all and whatever 
quarters, were lodged with him. It required oftentimes 
the whole weight of his influence to keep patriot soldiers 
like Schuyler and Montgomery to their posts, against the 
superhuman discouragements and difficulties that beset 
them. On one occasion, after an eloquent appeal to their 
patriotism, which necessitated a short essay rather than 
letter, he adds : " God knows there is not a difficulty that 
you both justly complain of, which I have not in an emi- 
nent degree experienced, that I am not this day experi- 
encing ; but we must bear up against them and make the 
best of mankind as they are, since we cannot have them 
as we wish." 

He must right the wrongs of unappreciated merit, 
soothe the pangs of wounded ambition and adjust the 
jealousies of the officers among themselves. 

They called for their honors in advance. Passing the 
sour and surly demands of pronounced traitors and place- 
seekers like Lee, Arnold, Gates and Burr, what a ma- 
jestic patience it required for this — from Brigadier General 
Greene : 

"Long Island, May 21, 1776. 

" Dear Sir : — From the last accounts from Great 
Britain, it appears absolutely necessary that there should 
be an augmentation of the American forces, in conse- 
quence of which I suppose there will be several promo- 
tions. As I have no desire of quitting the service, I 
hope the Congress will take no measure that will lay 
me under the disagreeable necessity of doing it. * * * 



36 WASHINGTON AND HIS GENERALS. 

I have ever found myself exceedingly happy under your 
Excellency's command. I wish my ability to deserve was 
equal to my inclination to merit. How far I have suc- 
ceeded in my endeavors, I submit to your Excellency's 
better judgment. I hope I shall never be more fond of 
promotion than studious to merit it. * * * Modesty 
will ever forbid me to apply to that House for any favors. 
I consider myself immediately under your Excellency's 
protection, and look up to you for justice. Every man 
feels himself wounded where he finds himself neglected," 
etc., etc., etc.* 

The campaign from August 1776 to January 1777, dis- 
closed equally, — the stupidity of Congress, in disregarding 
the suggestions of Washington, and themselves undertaking 
to direct his military movements, — the woeful incapacity 
of his officers, and his own utter lack of self-assertion. 

Concerning the Canadian expedition, though we no- 
where find that Washington opposed it, yet we do not find 
that he proposed it. Three years subsequently, in 1778, 
when the French had come openly to our help, and Con- 
gress suggested another attempt to conquer it in the 
interest of the French, — Washington promptly discouraged 
it, urging that "it was not to the interest of the United 
States that a power of different race, language and re- 
ligion should have a footing on this continent." 

Washington at all times obeyed the orders of Congress 
so promptly, that they might have seemed to emanate 
from his own conviction. Every energy was used to bring 
its plans to success, or failing this, to retrieve the disaster. 

Rightly estimating the demands of the campaign, he 
knew that the force dispatched under Montgomery was 
inadequate for its accomplishment. He was the more 
inclined to this Maine reinforcement, because he could at 
this time spare the troops. His own army was maintain- 

:: ' Washington's Correspondence {Sparks'), Vol. I, p. 23G. 



WASHINGTON AND HIS GENERALS. 37 

ing a forced inactivity before Boston, for want of ammu- 
nition ; the more trying from the fact that Congress and 
the "War Board had repeatedly signified its desire that he 
should assume the offensive. He could neither act nor 
with safety disclose the reason of his inaction ; but being- 
more careful of the cause he served than of his reputation, 
he silently took the censure. 

These considerations, together with the persistent coun- 
sels of the "fair-spoken and persuading" Arnold, pre- 
vailed. The reinforcement of the Canadian army by way 
of the wilderness of Maine was ordered, and Arnold ap- 
pointed to lead it. The essentials to its success were — 
dispatch and secrecy. A British army would certainly 
arrive in Canada in the spring. It was now or never. 
Arnold assured Washington that the march could be made 
in twenty days, and maintained his assertion that two 
thousand men could achieve the conquest of the province. 
No one appears to have contradicted his assertions or 
questioned his estimates; for the wilderness was terra 
incognita to all but himself. Because an exploring party 
of British officers had penetrated this country, lightly 
equipped, choosing their own time and season, with no end 
in view but the exploration, it scarcely followed that an 
army could drag its supplies and military equipments 
through such a country at double quick, so to speak, and 
emerge in condition for instant assault upon the strongest 
position on the continent. Yet this they were expected 
to do. 



IV.— 1775, 1776. 
THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 

THE force detached for service in Canada amounted 
to about eleven hundred men, consisting of ten 
companies of infantry and three of riflemen. The latter 
were ordered to the front, and Morgan was their leader. 

" His men were armed with rifle, tomahawk and long 
knife. They were dressed in flannel shirts, cloth or buck- 
skin breeches, buckskin leggins and moccasins. Over 
these they wore hunting-shirts made of brown linsey, or 
linsey-wolsey. The shirts were confined at the waistj by 
belts in which they carried their knives and tomahawks. 
In the wilderness, Morgan himself, adopted the Indian 
dress. Part of their route was to be through a hostile 
Indian country, which would impose upon him an untiring 
vigilance in guarding against Indian ambush."* 

Morgan's company wore on their caps the words "lib- 
erty or death." Neither adventure nor profit had brought 
him to the wilderness of Maine ; of the first, his long 
Indian wars had given him a surfeit ; for the last, he would 
better have found it with his flocks and herds on the slopes 
of the Alleghanies. 

In assuming his leadership, he had received orders to 
"examine the country along the route, free the streams 
from impediments to navigation, and remove obstructions 
from the road ; to ascertain all fords intersecting the line 
of march ; to examine the numerous portages over which 

* Graham's Life of Arnold, p. 63. 



THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 39 

it would be necessary to move, and take all measures to 
facilitate their passage/' 

With all the dispatch that could be used, it was the 18th 
of September when they embarked at Newburyport, on 
transports which were to carry them as far as Gardiner, on 
the Kennebec. Here, two hundred batteaux, which Wash- 
ington had ordered to be constructed, were waiting to 
receive them. 

Their route was up the Kennebec, almost to its sources ; 
above Curritunk, they must needs traverse " the great 
carrying place," a distance of fifteen miles, with three 
small lakes intervening, before they could again embark 
on the Dead River, a western branch of the Kennebec, — a 
place of "precipitous ascents, yawning ravines, thick 
entangling woods, swamps and water-courses," — the rifle- 
men carrying the bateaux, baggage, arms and provisions. 

After following the Dead River for eighty-three miles, 
another carrying place, over a mountain ridge, was to be 
passed, before they reached Lake Megantic, in Canada, 
crossing which, they were to enter the Chaudiere, a swift, 
violent stream, that empties into the St. Lawrence not far 
from Quebec. 

This journey through the wilderness, with its outcome, 
is the tragic-romance of the Revolution, — a presentiment 
of that after, greater tragedy of the French revolution, 
"The March to Moscow." It reads like the labors of 
Hercules. Arnold's twenty days dragged on to fifty-six. 
The distance was six hundred miles, through silent, pathless 
solitudes, — to this day, in part, unsettled and unexplored. 

As they advanced up the Kennebec, the stream became 
rapid and violent over its rocky bed ; often they could not 
row, but must drag their heavily laden boats up the swift 
current, waist deep. The mountains were covered with 
snow, and the waters at a deadly chill. Beds of rock, falls 
and rapids, often forbade the passage of their boats at all. 
They were to be unloaded, and with their contents carried 



40 THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 

by the men, through tiresome, pathless forests, until the 
stream would bear them again. 

Leaving the Kennebec, they dragged everything over a 
rough ridge and through swamps and bogs, sinking knee 
deep, to the Dead River. Their course now lay up this 
river for eighty-three miles, and no less than seventeen 
times, because of falls and rapids, they were forced to un- 
load their boats, and carry them and their contents. 
Winter winds howled around them ; their shoes were gone ;• 
rocks and briars tore their clothes from their backs ; No- 
vember rains drenched them ; famine, disease, and death 
marched with them. Three companies deserted and 
marched back. Their commander plead a misunderstand- 
ing of Colonel Arnold's orders. 

They had dragged their boats one hundred and eighty 
miles of the journey. Arnold in a letter to Washington 
writes : " You would have taken the men for amphibious 
animals, as they were most of the time under water." They 
had carried them on their shoulders forty miles, through 
frightful thickets, rugged mountains, and knee-deep bogs, 
till at last they reached the Chaudiere, which goes foam- 
ing and raging down its rocky channel. Swelled by heavy 
storms, it whirled over and engulfed their boats and con- 
tents in its angry rapids and fails ; not a boat escaped, and 
the men were scarcely saved. They reached their journey's 
end in a pitiable and almost famished condition. The 
first supplies that were served to the starving men, were 
so eagerly devoured that many of them sickened and some 
died from their imprudent indulgence. The Canadians 
looked with mingled wonder and admiration upon the men 
who had conquered their way through what they regarded 
an impassable wilderness. The troops, advancing as fast 
as their exhausted state would permit, assembled on 
November 7th, four leagues from the St. Lawrence, to the 
number of less than six hundred. Death, sickness and 
desertions, had fearfully wasted them. 



THEOUGH Till] WILDERNESS. 41 

Arnold had, however, effectually ensured the failure of 
the enterprise, by dispatching ahead two friendly Indians, 
so-called, with letters addressed to persons in Quebec, and 
to General Schuyler, announcing his coming. The Indians 
proved to be unfriendly, and the letters fell into the hands 
of the Lieutenant-Governor of Quebec. He made instant 
preparations for defence. Colonel McLean, from the Sorel, 
joined him with one hundred and seventy men, and crews 
of vessels arriving were pressed into the service of strength- 
ening the works, while the marines of several war-vessels, 
lying at Quebec, to the number of nearly three hundred, 
manned the defences. 

From the time Arnold discovered the treachery of his 
Indian messengers, he abandoned all idea of a surprise 
assault, — a mortifying disappointment to the heroes who 
had been nerved to their incredible labors and endurances, 
by the proud hope of re-enacting on the plains of Abraham 
the glorious deeds of Wolfe. They were still at Point 
Levi, for the British had secured all the boats on the 
opposite shore. It was November 13 th before they could 
assemble boats and bateaux sufficient for the crossing. 
At nine o'clock, on the night of the 13th, Morgan and his 
riflemen, still leading the van, embarked. The St. Law- 
rence was two miles wide, the current rapid, and their 
course lay between a frigate and a sloop-of-war. They 
continued to cross safely by detachments until four o'clock, 
when they were discovered and fired upon. 

Morgan meantime had reconnoitered the approaches to 
the town, and found " not a mouse stirring." He had, his 
life-long, accomplished what he undertook. His investiga- 
tions satisfied him that the garrison were not aware of 
their crossing, and were not upon their guard. He thought 
the assault should be made at once, and so communicated 
his views to the officers. He had performed the eleven 
labors of Hercules, and now begged leave to do the twelfth. 
Neither Arnold nor the officers accepted his suggestions. 



42 THKOUGH THE WILDEKNESS. 

It was wonderful how Arnold's rashness deserted him, 
precisely when it was wanted. They argued that the firing 
on the boats had, without doubt, been heard by the garri- 
son. Notwithstanding, they found afterward that the 
garrison had been entirely unaware of their crossing, and 
that " the entrance to the town, called St. John's Gate, 
had been open the whole night ; the only defence of which 
was a single gun guarded by a drowsy watch." * During 
the day, Arnold paraded his whole command before the 
walls, offering battle, hoping to draw the British force 
outside ; but they remembered Montcalm, and wisely re- 
mained behind their defences. 

He likewise hoped that those friendly Canadians, whom 
he had represented as only waiting the appearance of an 
American army to open their gates, would now prove 
their sympathy for the colonies ; but nothing of the kind 
occurred. If he had risked the assault, he would doubt- 
less have found that sympathy within the walls. Lastly, 
Arnold sent an officer, under flag, with a letter to the 
Governor, pompously calling upon him, in the name of 
the American Congress, to surrender, and threatening 
disastrous consequences if it should be delayed. The 
officer with the flag was fired upon, and retired. This 
finished the first day before Quebec. 

By this time Morgan was thoroughly disgusted with the 
state of affairs. From information received, it was clear 
that had his advice been taken, Quebec would also have 
been taken. Arnold's senseless bravado and meaningless 
parade before the town were not to his mind. It was 
plain to him that he had been brought upon a fool's 
errand. His men had also that day complained that, not- 
withstanding their ample suj)plies of flour, they were still 
kept upon the short allowance of a pint a day. Accom- 

* Gra7iam's Life of Morgan, quoted from Henry's Expedition, 
p. 85. 



THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 43 

panied by two officers lie Waited on Arnold, represented 
the facts and demanded redress. 

"If the matter conld have been traced to its source, it 
would probably have been found to be a part of that system 
of peculation which Arnold seldom lost an opportunity of 
practising. He evaded at first, and then bluntly refused 
compliance. A violent altercation ensued, and Morgan 
was upon the point of striking. Language of defiance 
passed between them as Morgan left Arnold's quarters. 
The next day, however, and thereafter, the riflemen were 
served with a full allowance of provisions." * 

Morgan was remarkable for his judicious care of his men ; 
the effects of this care and kindness is proved in the fact 
that he lost but one man from his company in the passage 
through Maine ; that one was drowned in the Chandiere. 

On the 19th, Arnold marched away, and took post at 
Point-aux-Trembles, eight leagues from Quebec, to await 
Montgomery's arrival. He wrote to Washington that it 
would require twenty-five hundred men to take Quebec ; 
later, he wrote it five thousand. 



Meantime, Montgomery had made a brilliant campaign, 
taking Forts Chamblie, St. Johns, and the city of Montreal. 
The land rang with his praises; but Quebec remained — 
the key to the whole situation. After leaving garrisons 
at these places, and parting with those troops whose time 
had expired, he embarked with artillery and stores and 
three hundred men to join Arnold. On the 5th of Decem- 
ber, their united forces, less than one thousand effective 
men, " appeared before Quebec in mid-winter to take the 
strongest fortified city in America, defended by two thou- 
sand cannon, and a garrison now nearly twice as large as 
the force of the besiegers." 

* Henry's Expedition, p. 98. 



44 THROUGH THE WILDEBKESS. 

Montgomery spoke hopefully to his men, but in his 
heart be knew he led a forlorn hope. To return without 
the capture of Quebec, was to throw away all the' brave 
work he had done. Congress expected it ; the nation 
waited for it ; his own good name and the cause of his 
country alike necessitated it. Further, it must be done 
at once ; the rigors of winter were upon them ; the suffer- 
ings of the men were intolerable. Two diseases had 
attacked the camp — small-pox and home-sickness ; also, 
there were discontents in the army. Arnold had quar- 
reled with his officers, and two or three companies were 
ready to mutiny, but Montgomery's manly expostulation 
won them back to their duty. 

The time of most of the men expired with the now 
expiring year. The assault was therefore fixed for the 
night of the twenty-sixth of December. " It was clear, 
and so cold that no man could handle his arms or scale 
a wall. The twenty-seventh was hazy, and the troops 
were put in motion, but the sky cleared, and Montgomery, 
tender of their lives, recalled them, to wait for a 
night of clouds and darkness, with a storm of wind and 
snow." On the thirtieth, New Year's eve, a northeast 
storm set in. The troops were disposed for attack at four 
different points. Two of these attacks were only feints : 
the real points of assault were reserved for Montgomery 
on one side of the town and Arnold on the other. 

The snow had changed to driving hail, that cut the 
men's eyes and faces ; Arnold's division advanced with 
heads down, and their guns under their coats to keep 
them dry. 

They attacked with furious energy, but a musket-ball 
in his leg disabled Arnold at the first barricade, and he 
was borne to the rear. Morgan now took command, and 
the game was in his own hands. Cheering on his men 
with a voice "louder than the northeast gale," they car- 
ried battery after battery, taking their defenders prisoners. 



THEOUGH THE WILDERNESS. 45 

He held now the lower part of the town, and there they 
watched and waited for the promised signals from Mont- 
gomery's side. 

He with three hundred men and his two aides, McPhcr- 
son and Cheeseman, two gallant young soldiers, had taken 
his course along a steep and rocky path, so slippery and 
dangerous from the frozen hail, that it was with diffi- 
culty they could keep their feet. On they went, Mont- 
gomery opening the path through the snow with his own 
hands. A battery interrupted their path — it must he 
taken. Montgomery ordered them to "double quick," 
himself leading, with the words, "Come on, brave boys, 
you will not fear to follow where your general leads." 
A flash — a well-served cannon discharge — Montgomery, 
McPherson and Cheeseman fell dead. 

The drifted snow was the winding-sheet of the noble 
and the brave on the morning of the new year, 1776, 
before the gates of Quebec. Their leader fallen, his men 
made instant retreat. Morgan waited on the other side 
of the town for the signals they never should see. They 
waited too long. The enemy, now released from defending 
other points, surrounded and took them prisoners. So 
ended a noble life, and the lamentations for Montgomery 
were as loud and elocpient in the British Parliament as in 
the American Congress. 

Morgan, balked in his first wish to assault Quebec, had 
succeeded now only too well ; but let him tell his own story. 

* * * * "I was appointed to the command of the for- 
lorn hope on the river St. Charles under General Arnold. 
The general having been wounded in the leg while under 
the walls, and before we got into the town, I sent him off 
in the care of two of my men and took his place in the 
command. I had to attack a two-gun battery, supported 
by Captain McCloud and fifty regular troops. 

" The first gun missed us ; the second flashed, when I 
ordered the ladders, borne on the shoulders of the men, 



4G THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 

to be raised. The order was immediately obeyed, and for 
fear the business might not be executed with spirit, I 
mounted myself and leaped into the town. The first man 
among Captain McCloud's guard, who was panic-struck, 
made but a faint resistance, and ran into a house that 
joined the two-gun battery and platform, where the guard 
was posted. I lighted on the end of a great gun, which 
hurt me very much, and perhaps saved my life, as I fell 
from the gun on the platform, where the bayonets were 
not directed. Colonel Charles Porterfield, who was [then] 
a cadet in my company, was the first man that followed 
me, and all the men came after him as fast as they had 
room to jump down. All this was performed in a few 
seconds. I ordered the men to fire into the hoiise and 
follow up with their pikes, which they did, and drove the 
guard into the street. I went through a sally-port at the 
end of the platform, met the retreating guard in the 
street, and ordered them to lay down their arms if they 
expected quarters. They took me at my word, and every 
man threw his arms down. 

" We then charged on the battery and took it, sword in 
hand ; pushing on, we took everything that opposed us 
at the point of the bayonet till we arrived at the barrier 
gate. Here I was ordered to wait for General Mont- 
gomery, and a fatal order it was. It prevented me taking 
the garrison, as I had already made half the town prisoners. 

" The sally-port through the barrier was standing open ; 
the guard had left it, and the people were running from 
the upper town in whole platoons, giving themselves up 
as prisoners. I went up to the edge of the upper town, 
incog., with an interpreter, to see what was going on, as 
the firing had ceased. Finding no person in arms at all, 
I returned and called a council of what few officers I had 
with me, for the greater part of our force had missed their 
way and had not got into the town. 

" Here I was overruled by sound judgment and good 



THEOUGH THE WILDEENESS. 47 

reasoning. It was said, in the first place, that if I went 
on I should break orders ; in the next, that I had more 
prisoners than I had men, and that if I left them they 
might break out, retake the battery we had just captured, 
and cut off our retreat. It was further urged, that General 
Montgomery would join us in a few minutes, and that 
we were sure of conquest if we acted with caution and 
prudence. 

" To these good reasons I gave up my own opinion and 
lost the town.* For General Montgomery, having cut 
down an out-picket, was marching up to a two-gun bat- 
tery when an unlucky shot put an end to his existence, 
killing at the same time Captain Cheeseman, Major 
McPherson and others of his good officers. Upon this, 
Colonel Campbell, his quartermaster-general, undertook 
to order a retreat. We were then left to shift for our- 
selves, but did not yet know the extent of the misfortunes 
which had occurred, or it was still in our power to have 
taken the garrison." f 

His detachment now found themselves surrounded by 
their enemies, but Morgan's spirits rose with the emer- 
gency, and he proposed to his officers to cut their way 
back out of the town ; but they had lost hope and pre- 
ferred to surrender. 

A single incident remains to be noted, which Morgan 
himself relates. Humanity and kindness marked the 
treatment of the prisoners by Carleton, but Morgan re- 
ceived special consideration. His conduct of the assault 
had impressed them with a high idea of his military ability. 

"He was visited frequently by a British officer, to him 
unknown, but from his uniform, he belonged to the navy 
and was an officer of distinction. During one of his 

* Several of the officers outranked Morgan, but at the fall of 
Arnold, not one would assume his command, but pressed it upon 
Morgan. 

f Graham's Life of Morgan, p. 465. 



48 THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 

visits, after conversing upon many topics, he asked Mor- 
gan if he did not begin to be convinced that the resistance 
of America was visionary. He endeavored to impress 
upon Morgan the disastrous consequences that must infal- 
libly ensue if the idle attempt were persevered in, and 
earnestly exhorted him to renounce the ill-advised under- 
taking. He declared with seeming sincerity and warmth 
his admiration of Morgan's spirit and enterprise, which he 
said were worthy of nobler employment, and at last told 
him that if he would consent to withdraw from the Amer- 
ican and join the British service, he was commissioned to 
offer him the rank and emoluments of a colonel in the 
royal army. Morgan rejected the proposal with disdain, 
and added : ' I hope, sir, you will never again insult me, 
in my present distressed and unfortunate situation, by 
making me offers which plainly imply that you think me 
a scoundrel. " * 

Here we get the true ring of his metal ; it was worthy 
of the "chief" himself. Perhaps nothing in Washing- 
ton's career has been more admired than the manner of his 
rejection of the overtures of the officers, through Colonel 
Nicola, in 1783, proposing to him to assume the headship 
of the nation with the title of "King." The fine feeling 
is the same in both cases ; both are personally insulted. 
They receive it as a man of honor would an " unhandsome 
suggestion." Washington replies: "With a mixture of 
surprise and astonishment I have read the sentiments you 
have submitted to my perusal. I am much at a loss to 
conceive what part of my conduct should have given 
encouragement to such an address. If I am not deceived 
in the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a 
person to whom your schemes are more disagreeable," etc. 
The point of Morgan's scorn, in his Canadian prison eight 
years before, is not a whit less fine. 

* Graham's Life, p. 112. 



Y.— 1776. 
THE RETREAT. 

ARNOLD, in hospital with his shattered limb, found 
t himself, by the death of Montgomery, at the head 
of affairs. He wrote to Washington that it would require 
ten thousand men to complete the conquest of Canada, 
and opening a vein of modesty, adds : — "I am in hopes 
some experienced officer will be sent here to take com- 
mand ; the service requires greater abilities and experience 
than I can pretend to." Montgomery in his last despatches 
to Congress had informed that body that it would require 
an army of ten thousand and a fleet of war-vessels to 
keep Canada after it was conquered. Notwithstanding 
this new revelation, with the disasters which had followed 
the attempt, Congress having entered upon it, pursued it 
with a stubbornness something akin to insanity. 

General Wooster, a brave old patriot, had been left in 
command at Montreal by Montgomery, and was now the 
highest officer in Canada. He felt his unfitness for the 
position, and was anxious to be superseded by a younger 
and more efficient officer. He took command at Quebec 
April 1st, and "the garrison laughed as they saw from 
the ramparts the general, now venerable from age, and 
distinguished by his singularly large wig, walking solemnly 
along the walls to spy out their weak points." 

New England had sent forward several regiments imme- 
diately after the fall of Montgomery, and at the end of 
April, Congress blindly declared itself "determined on 
the reduction of Quebec," and by its president urged 
3 



50 THE RETREAT. 

Washington to hasten the departure of four battalions. 
A week later, though Washington was himself in urgent 
need of men, arms and money, "without so much as 
consulting with the commander-in-chief, they suddenly 
and peremptorily ordered him to detach six additional 
battalions from his army for service in Canada, and fur- 
ther, incjuired if he could spare more. On the day he 
received this order, his effective force consisted of but 
eight thousand three hundred men, poorly armed and 
worse clad. He detached immediately six of his best bat- 
talions—more than three thousand men — at a time when 
the British ministry was directing against him more tban 
thirty thousand veteran troops. It was a touching spec- 
tacle to see Washington resign himself to the ill-considered 
votes of Congress, and send off his best troops to Canada 
at their word, even though it left him bare and exposed 
to the greatest dangers, saying only, 'I could wish the 
army in Canada were powerfully reinforced, at the same 
time, trusting New York and the Hudson Eiver to the 
handful of men remaining here, is too great a risk.' " * 

To the costly life already sacrificed before Quebec, they 
added now that of the next most effective officer in the 
service, General Thomas of Massachusetts. He arrived 
at Quebec in May, and found one-third of the troops in 
hospital with small-pox, and within a month himself fell 
a victim to the pestilence. " He had come to meet death 
unattended by glory." 

General Sullivan next succeeded. He came, and aired 
his vocabulary of braggadocio, but falling into the hands 
of one Frazer (of whom more anon), at Trois Rivieres, was 
taught modesty. Congress, by the influence of John 
Adams, the special patron of Gates, now appointed that 
officer as a panacea for the ills of Canada. 

But the Canadian campaign was ended before he reached 

* Bancroft, Vol. VIII, p. 421. 



THE RETREAT. 51 

it. " Disasters followed fast, and followed faster." Bur- 
goyne had arrived in the St. Lawrence with an army from 
England ; Arnold was now calling for a retreat as vigor- 
ously as he had called for an advance, and it was clear to 
all that unless that retreat was speedy, there would be no 
army to bring away. 

The pestilence retreated with them. "The voyage over 
the lakes was made in leaky boats without awnings, so 
that the sick lay drenched in water and- exposed to the 
July sun. Their only food was raw pork and hard bread. 
When, early in July, the fragments of the army had 
reached Crown Point, the scene of distress produced a 
momentary despair ; their clothes, their blankets, the air, 
the very ground they trod on, was infected. More than 
thirty new graves were made every day. In a little more 
than two months, the northern army had lost by desertion 
and death more than five thousand men." * 

But we must return to the special notice of Arnold's 
military career in Canada. He had barely recovered from 
his wound when General Wooster appeared at Quebec — 
April 1st — and assumed command. This appointment did 
not please Arnold, who complained of his coldness and 
reserve, for Wooster neither asked nor accepted his advice 
or counsel. 

This situation is well explained in the fact that the 
sturdy old patriot was a townsman and neighbor of Arnold. 
Just at this time, Arnold's horse stumbled with him and 
aggravated his wound. He asked leave to retire from 
Quebec, and dropped down to Montreal, where, being first 
in rank, he at once assumed control. 

During his command there, occurred the affair of the 
Cedars ; not exceeded in ignominy by any event of the 
war. At the Cedars, about forty miles away from Mon- 
treal, a point that projected far into the river and could 

* Bancroft, Vol. IX. 



52 THE RETKEAT. 

only be approached from one side, Arnold had posted 
five hundred men under Colonel Bedell. He was well 
intrenched and had two field pieces." * 

Colonel Bedell heard of the approach of Captain Fors- 
ter with two hundred British and Canadians, and several 
hundred Indians, — no American authority puts the num- 
ber at over six hundred. Leaving Major Butterfield in 
charge, Bedell went to Montreal to give the alarm. Cap- 
tain Forster had no artillery, and attacked with mus- 
ketry only. After two days, but one man in the fort was 
wounded; but Forster terrified Butterfield into a surrender, 
by threats of giving the whole garrison up to the savages 
if any of the besiegers were wounded. The terms of the 
surrender were most ignominious. Meantime Arnold had 
dispatched Major Sherbourue with one hundred and forty 
men to their assistance. He approached without knowing 
what had happened — was surrounded by the enemy, thirty 
of his force tomahawked and the rest captured. 

At the news of this second disaster, Arnold advanced 
with a force of eight hundred men. From La Chene — not 
far from the Cedars — he writes, May 25th, 1776 : " One 
of our men this moment came in who was taken at the 
Cedars. He made his escape this morning, and says we 
have lost only ten privates killed, the rest are prisoners at 
St. Ann's and the Cedars. The enemy lost double that 
number. They were last night within three miles of us, 
with three hundred savages, fifty regulars, and two hun- 
dred and fifty Canadians, with our two pieces of cannon ; 
but on hearing that we had a large body of men here, they 
made a precipitate retreat." \ 

Instead of moving at once upon the enemy, Arnold sent a 
party of Indians over the river with a message, demanding, 
in his usual bravado style, "the surrender of the American 

* Sparks' Correspondence of Washington , Vol. I, p. 195. 
f Sparks' Correspondence of Washington, Vol. I, p 518. 



THE KETKEAT. 53 

prisoners, threatening, in case of refusal, or if any mur- 
ders were committed, that he would sacrifice every Indian 
that should fall into his hands, and follow them to their 
towns, which he would destroy by fire and sword." "He 
spoke daggers, hut used none. " 

The Indians returned as spirited a reply, promising, if 
he attacked, to kill all the prisoners they had, and all they 
should capture. 

It was evening, his boats had not yet all arrived, and the 
darkness made it necessary for him to retire. He called a 
council of war, and it was unanimously decided to attack 
in the early morning. 

At midnight, one of the imprisoned officers arrived 
with a flag, bringing articles for an exchange of prisoners, 
which had been arranged by Major Sherbourne and Captain 
Forster. The same ignominious terms were offered, ac- 
companied by the threat to let loose the savages upon the 
prisoners, and upon Arnold, if he should attack. It was 
as successful with Arnold as it had been with Butterfield ; 
nor can we see that he was more valiant. By American 
estimates, the enemy numbered six hundred ; British esti- 
mates would perhaps reduce this. By Arnold's figures, 
there were about six hundred American prisoners, and he 
had eight hundred fresh troops. It is not to be supposed 
that the prisoners would fail to co-operate in event of an 
attempted rescue. 

A very little of that rashness that was Arnold's chief 
military virtue, was here needed, but it again deserted 
him. The same threats that brought the surrender of 
Butterfield, now availed to scare Arnold into accepting 
the disgraceful terms offered. 

He returned to Montreal with his eight hundred men 
without having struck a blow for the rescue, and writes 
immediately to General Schuyler, " I have ordered Colonel 
Bedell, his major, and Captain Young, to Sorel, for their 
trial." This affair led to much crimination and recrimi- 



54 THE EETREAT. 

nation between the military authorities on both sides. 
Congress wished to repudiate the capitulation, but Wash- 
ington pronounced it binding, being executed in due form 
by officers having proper authority. There was no honor- 
able way out of it. 

This closes the military exploits of Arnold in Canada ; 
but there remain some other matters to be noted. 

As soon as the evacuation was determined upon, he made 
an indiscriminate seizure of goods from the merchants of 
Montreal, professedly for the public service, giving certifi- 
cates to their owners, who were to be paid by the military 
authorities of the United States. 

He sent the goods to Chamblie, in charge of Colonel 
Hazen. This officer had been for some time associated 
with Arnold, but for reasons best known to himself, he 
declined to be implicated in any way with the transaction. 
The goods lay in piles on the landing exposed to the 
weather and the plunderer. 

Their owners followed the army to Crown Point, and de- 
manded pay for the whole amount, including the damaged 
and stolen. The blame fell upon Arnold ; he transferred 
it to Hazen, who he declared had not obeyed his orders. 

A court-martial followed. During its progress, the court 
refused to accept the testimony of one of Arnold's wit- 
nesses, who was believed to be interested in the affair. 
Arnold addressed a disrespectful letter to the court ; they 
demanded an apology ; he challenged them all, individu- 
ally and collectively. 

Such monstrous effrontery compelled the court to appeal 
to General Gates, commander-in-chief of the department. 
These two, Arnold and Gates, had already begun to ex- 
change signs. Gates abruptly dissolved the court, and 
excused himself to Congress for an act so unjust and dic- 
tatorial, on the plea " that the United States could not be 
deprived of that excellent officer's services at that impor- 
tant moment." 



THE RETKEAT. 55 

The court, however, before its adjournment, passed 
judgment, acquitting Colonel Hazen — leaving Arnold, of 
course, under censure. 



Hard upon, followed a rupture with Colonel Brown, 
who had been at the taking of Ticonderoga and was, 
perhaps, no admirer of Arnold. The latter accused Brown, 
in letters to Congress, of plundering the baggage of pris- 
oners taken in Canada, during the siege of Quebec. 

Colonel Brown promptly demanded a court of inquiry 
from General Wooster at the time, but, through evasions 
of Arnold, he was unable to prosecute the affair until 
after the evacuation of Canada. He then applied to Con- 
gress for redress, and Congress directed Gates to grant the 
inquiry. Gates played the dictator as before, and shielded 
Arnold from the inquiry. 

Colonel Brown waited until the end of the campaign, 
and then demanded the arrest of Arnold on a series of 
charges running through the whole period of his com- 
mand. Gates again evaded it, saying that he would lay 
the petition before Congress. Colonel Brown, indignant 
at this shuffling and baffling of justice, published the 
whole affair, commenting upon Arnold with unsparing 
severity. During all this time Arnold, safely ensconced 
under the wing of Gates' authority, maintained a pro- 
found silence. 

Following him on the retreat of the army from Canada, 
we find him at Ticonderoga, actively engaged in prose- 
cuting naval affairs. He with others urges upon Congress 
the building of a fleet of not less than thirty vessels for 
Lake defence, asking that "three hundred carpenters be 
immediately sent up," etc. The fleet was built and Arnold 
was put in command. It proved only a floating stage 
whereon to cut his antics before high Heaven. In retreat- 
ing the army to Ticonderoga, it was thought necessary to 



5G THE RETREAT. 

abandon Crown Point — a measure deplored at the time, 
but doubtless wise, for the future policy od the Lakes was 
to be defensive. 

One thing was certainly to be done, at all risks and all 
costs. Ticonderoga was to be kept. Only by holding 
that could the Hudson River be defended from the north ; 
and the possession of this river was throughout the war 
the supreme object of the British. A Lake fleet well- 
manned and judiciously maintained, would perhaps have 
averted the shameful surrender of the post further on. 
Arnold's fleet consisted of about twenty vessels, large and 
small, lightly built, and manned by landsmen. To attempt 
a battle with Carleton's fleet of heavy vessels, well-officered 
and manned by skillful English marines, was simply 
another reckless, dare-devil attempt to do the impossible. 

The American fleet under Arnold " roamed the Lake 
without check" until October 4th, when Carleton cau- 
tiously and leisurely approached. Arnold's choice of posi- 
tion for battle was "warmly approved by Gates," who 
knew perhaps as much about a naval battle as he did 
about a land battle — "but one more absurd or more dan- 
gerous could not have been made." 

Carleton had twice the number of vessels, with more 
than twice the number of guns and men. Of course the 
battle could end in but one way. Two-thirds of the 
American vessels were shattered, sunk or stranded. To 
save the rest from capture, Arnold ran them into a shal- 
low creek and set them on fire, with colors flying — he the 
last to go ashore. Several of the smaller boats had escaped 
and found shelter under the guns of the fort.* The 
British lost three vessels. 

No one denies to Arnold in this affair a magnificent 
energy and a death-defying courage, but to what end ? 

* It is due to Gates to remember that Arnold acted in opposition 
to Gates' orders in precipitating a battle. 



THE RETREAT. 57 

By the law of his nature, the irrepressible " urge " within 
him could manifest itself only in destruction. So that 
something was smashed, and he the smasher, with a din 
load enough to reverberate with his name over the conti- 
nent, it was well done. His fame rose higher than ever, 
and no one seemed to qualify it with the destruction of a 
fleet "recklessly sacrificed without public benefit." If 
courage is to be measured by breakage, then indeed his 
exceeds that of the "bull in the china shop." 

Master of the Lakes, Carleton could easily have taken 
Ticonderoga, so inadequately was it defended and pro- 
visioned. But it was not on his programme. General 
Howe had failed to ascend the Hudson in time for a junc- 
tion at Albany. Having secured the safety of Canada by 
the destruction of the fleet, Carleton retired, intending to 
advance to Albany in the spring. 

So ends this ill-starred, ill-timed and disastrous Cana- 
dian expedition. It had involved the sacrifice of two of 
the most valuable officers in the service, wasted an army 
of ten thousand men, materially weakening Washington's 
force, and contributing no little to the subsequent disas- 
ters of Long Island and the Jerseys. The Congressional 
committee of inquiry into the causes of failure reported, 
"the lateness of the season," "inadequate preparation in 
numbers," etc, "short enlistments," "want of hard money," 
and "small-pox." 

Congress decreed to Montgomery a monument; to honest 
old Wooster, a court of inquiry; to Arnold a brigadier- 
general's commission ; to Morgan, nothing. 



VI— 1776. 
"ALL'S WELL THAT ENL)S WELL." 

EXCEPT for the disasters in Canada, affairs had thus 
far gone eminently well for the Americans. They 
had been for more than a year in armed resistance to 
England. Lexington, Concord, Bunker Hill and Ticon- 
deroga had alike witnessed to their martial spirit. 

The bloodless deliverance of Boston from the British 
army and fleet now followed on the 17th of March. The 
fortification of Dorchester Heights by Washington, accom- 
plished in a single night, "a combination concerted with 
faultless ability and suddenly executed, had in a few hours 
made their position untenable." 

In the month of June, the whole country was elec- 
trified by the spirited repulse of a British fleet and army 
with heavy loss, from Charleston, South Carolina. 

Such a series of brilliant successes had, perhaps, inspired 
the Americans with an extravagant estimate of their mili- 
tary ability. They had not sufficiently considered that 
England had been taken off guard by this sudden uprising 
of a full-grown rebellion. She was by this time, how- 
ever, fairly awake, and was coming, in substantial British 
style, to crush it. This she hoped to do in one vigorous 
campaign, 

Congress was so far encouraged as to sign and adopt the 
Declaration of Independence on the 4th of July, 177G. 
But in the midst of the national exultation, a courier from 
Washington announced to Congress that a British fleet 



"all's well that ends well." 59 

and army were in New York harbor. "I am hopeful 
that we shall get some reinforcements before they are pre- 
pared to attack/' he adds. The whole British force 
dispatched in the spring of 1776 to America, directed 
severally to Canada, Charleston and New York, was not 
less than fifty thousand of the best European fighting 
material that English gold could buy. 

Howe, the British commander, landed on Long Island 
a force of upward of twenty thousand rank and file. 
" It was the most perfect army of its day in the world for 
experience, discipline, equipments and artillery ; and was 
supported by more than four hundred ships and trans- 
ports in the bay, by ten ships of the line and twenty 
frigates, with other small vessels. Against this vast arma- 
ment the Americans had on the Island no more than 
eight thousand men, most of these, volunteers or militia ; 
and they had not the aid of a single platoon of cavalry, 
nor of one ship of war." * 

Here Washington felt his utmost need of the battalions 
he had trained and which Congress had ordered to their 
doom in Canada. He wrote frankly that it would be 
impossible to prevent the landing of the British, " but we 
shall attempt to harass them as much as possible, which 
will be all that we can do." Trumbull, of Connecticut, 
wrote him: "Knowing our cause righteous and trusting 
Heaven will support us, I do not greatly dread what they 
can do against us." Washington mended his theology 
t'uU3 : "To trust altogether in the justice of our cause 
without our own utmost exertions would be tempting 
Providence." Trumbull immediately convened his "Coun- 
cil of Safety " and called out nins more regiments. 

It is tolerably clear that Washington fought this battle 
of Long Island under protest. His judgment was that 
the war should be carried on defensively — field actions 

* Bancroft,, Vol. IX, p. 85. 



GO "all's well that e^stds well." 

avoided. Others thought with him. ■ Jay, of New York, 
counselled that Long Island be laid waste, New York 
burned, and the army retire to the fastnesses of the Hud- 
son. 

John Adams was against "yielding the enemy an inch 
of ground." Congress called for the battle, and they got 
it. "It was the fixed purpose of Washington to obey 
implicitly the orders of Congress." 

Just then, General Greene fell violently ill of a " raging 
fever," and the loss of his services was the more serious 
because the works he commanded were built under his 
eye and he best knew the environs. To Sullivan his place 
was assigned ; but he and Putnam blundered fearfully. 
The battle, at the last, proved a massacre of our brave 
Marylanders, who that day " won their spurs." More than 
half the loss fell upon Stirling's command of Maryland 
and Delaware troops — one-fourth on the Maryland regi- 
ment alone. A witness of their heroic but vain resistance, 
Washington, wrung his hands, exclaiming, "My God! 
what brave men I must this day lose." 

The day done, and the battle lost, Washington won im- 
mortal fame by one of the most masterly retreats ever 
recorded, saving his army with all its equipments in the 
face of an overwhelming British force. General Glover, 
with his brigade of mariners of Marblehead, rendered here 
invaluable service. But they were dark days in the Ameri- 
can camp. The burden upon the commander-in-chief was 
almost beyond the limit of human endurance. "Among 
his major-generals there was not one on whom he could 
fully rely." The army knew it ; distrust and dejection pre- 
vailed ; Washington alone inspired confidence. 



Congress still demanded of him impossibilities. He 
was expected to hold New York : but, seeing that such an 



"all's well that ends well." 61 

attempt would be fatal to tlie cause, he argued the matter 
so clearly that they yielded in time. The British took the 
city, and Washington retired to White Plains, fighting, 
retreating, maneuvering, and so harassing, delaying, and 
wearing out the enemy. His policy was fruitful of good 
results. It was now far into September. Howe had been 
so long delayed that he was compelled to abandon his plan 
of ascending the Hudson to join Carleton, — by far the 
most important part of the campaign as ordered by the 
British ministry, — and he had frankly admitted in his 
despatches to England the necessity of another campaign. 

Thus had Washington below, neutralized the destruction 
of Arnold's Lake fleet above, and enabled Gates to dispatch 
his pompous message to Congress, " of the retreat of Lieu- 
tenant-General Sir Guy Carleton, with his fleet and army, 
from Crown Point." 

But still darker days were at hand. Greene having ob- 
tained the coveted Major-General's commission, for which 
he had stipulated, resolved to maintain his new honors 
at some cost. He questioned and disregarded Washing- 
ton's directions ; — positive orders Washington could not 
issue, because the Congressional Board of War were to 
give the final word. Greene took the liberty to differ with 
Washington, corresponded with the Board, expressing his 
opinion that Howe could not take Fort Washington, of 
which he had command. But within a week it was sur- 
rendered to the British, with valuable artillery and arms 
and twenty-six hundred prisoners, of whom one-half were 
well-trained soldiers. Greene never acknowledged his 
"errors of judgment," nor did he mend his ways ; for three 
days after, having failed to carry out Washington's timely 
and positive order to remove the garrison and stores from 
Fort Lee, five thousand British and Hessians surprised 
him there. "Aroused from his bed by the report of a 
countryman, Greene ordered his troops under arms and 
took to flight, with more than two thousand men, leaving 



02 " all's well that ends well." 

blankets and baggage, provisions, four hundred tents 
standing, and all his cannon, except two twelve pounders. 
With his utmost speed, he barely escaped being cut off. 
Washington, by a rapid march to his rescue, covered the 
retreat so that only a few stragglers were taken." — Ban- 
croft, Vol. IX, p. 19C* 

Nothing remained but a retreat into New Jersey and 
the defence of Philadelphia, now the coveted object of 
British ambition. 

Washington's position was inexpressibly trying at this 
juncture. Not only was he hampered by the final word 
of the Congressional Board of War, but "the power to 
overrule the majority of his generals had not been ex- 
plicitly conferred." He was expected to consult with and 
be outvoted by men who could do little but hinder his 
military operations. 

John Adams, Chairman of the Board of War, "while 
he cultivated confidential relations with Lee and Gates, 
never extended the same cordial frankness to Washington, 
never comprehended his superior capacity for war, and 
never weighed his difficulties with generous consideration. 
Moreover, Congress was always ready to assume the conduct 
of the campaign and to issue impracticable resolutions. 
To Gates it intrusted a limited power of filling up vacan- 
cies as they occurred in his army ; but it refused the same 
to Washington, saying, "future generals may make bad 
use of it." Notwithstanding the warning and entreaties 
of Washington after the battle of Long Island, John 
Adams, great man and great patriot as he was, with igno- 

* With incredible magnanimity, Washington covered also Greene's 
military reputation. He never upbraided his officers. The merited 
" I told you so," never escaped him ; though, Heaven knows, it must 
oftentimes have been in his thoughts. The odium of Forts Lee and 
Washington fell upon him, and he took it. It belonged fairly to 
Congress and General Greene, who from this time trusted himself 
less, and Washington more. 



" ALL'S WELL THAT E3*DS WELL.*' G3 

rant boldness maintained and announced, "the British 
force is so divided, they will do no great matter more this 
fall." Less than three weeks afterwards, came the fall of 
forts Lee and Washington.* 

Little knew or thought the commander-in-chief, at 
this moment, that any one coveted his office. " Such 
is my situation," said he privately, "that if I were to 
wish the bitterest curse to an enemy on this side of the 
grave, I should put him in my stead, with my feelings " ; 
yet, at this very time, both Gates and Lee, taking ad- 
vantage of the recent disasters, were working assiduously 
upon Congress, and among the officers, to accomplish 
his removal. Gates, while in command at Ticonderoga, 
had thus early showed this spirit of rivalry, declining to 
make his reports to the commander-in-chief, and pur- 
posely communicating with Congress, claiming that he 
and his council of officers "were in nothing inferior to 
that of the commander-in-chief." 

Congress had summoned Lee, as far back as August, 
from the South (where he was doing mad work), to join 
Washington, as, in event of accident, Lee would be his 
successor. He was now in command on the east side of 
the Hudson Eiver. Some hint of the maneuvres of these 
two was brought to Washington's notice, yet, "neither 
the neglect, distrust, and interference of Congress, nor 
the want of faithful, able, or even competent subordi- 
nates, nor the melting away of his army by short enlist- 
ment, could make him waver in his purpose of persever- 
ance to the end. No provocation could force from his 
pen one word of personal petulance, or even the momen- 
tary expression of a wish to resign." This lofty spirit 



* Perilous as was the outlook, at this very time Adams asked and 
obtained leave of absence from Congress, and at his home in Massa- 
chusetts received the news of the disasters in New Jersey and the 
removal of Congress to Baltimore. 



G4 " all's well that ekds well." 

lived in a serene height to which none of these noisy little 
men could climb. He was neither elated nor despondent 
with the ebb and flow of the tide of battle, as were they. 

He served a cause to which he had given all faith : who 
serves humanity cannot fail. He worked as " in his great 
Taskmaster's eye," and thus could afford to be "patient 
towards all men." 

Things certainly looked desperate ; the British had fol- 
lowed Washington into New Jersey in force. As he 
crossed the Raritan, breaking down a part of the bridge, 
the Americans cannonaded Cornwallis' army across the 
river. One of the batteries was served by a youth named 
Alexander Hamilton, who was soon to become one of 
Washington's noblest coadjutors. The American force 
was scarcely three thousand. Hoive was held bach by in- 
visible hands from overwhelming the little band of heroes. 
Washington, in "anguish even to tears" at the desolation 
of the people of New Jersey under their iron war-hoof, 
addressed Lee once more : " I request, and I entreat ^ou, 
and this too by the advice of all the general officers with 
me, to march and join me with your whole force, with 
all possible expedition. Do come on — your arrival without 
delay may be the means of preserving a city." 

Lee had been summoned a dozen times before to join 
him, but nothing was further from his intentions. Cou- 
riers and letters reached him every day, sometimes two 
a day, telling of the extremity of the situation ; yet he 
detained by far the most efficient regiments on the Hud- 
son and declined to move. He felt himself sufficiently 
strong to disregard by evading the orders of Congress, 
writing to the Governor of Massachusetts, "Affairs appear 
in so important a crisis, that I think even the resolves of 
Congress must no longer weigh nicely with us." 

The reputation of Lee was at its zenith at this time. 
In Congress and the New England States "his name Avas 
the mythical symbol of ability, decision, knowledge of war 



"all's well that ends well." Go 

and success." At the disaster of Fort Washington, he 
spread the rumor that he had "counselled the general to 
draw off the garrison, and he had failed to follow it." To 
a member of Congress he wrote, "Your apathy makes me 
mad. Had I the powers, I could do you much good. 
Might I but dictate for one week. Did none of the Con- 
gress ever read the Eoman history ? " 

At last, feeling himself compelled by authority of Con- 
gress to. cross the Hudson into New Jersey, he lingered 
still on its western bank, determined not to join forces 
with Washington, but to impress into his own command 
all reinforcements that were now being hurried forward. 
In reply to Washington's mild reproof for his tardiness, 
he wrote only, " I shall explain my difficulties when we 
both have leisure." On the 4th of December, seven regi- 
ments that Schuyler had hurried onward arrived, and 
Lee wrote to Washington, " I shall put myself at their head 
to-morrow." On the 8th of December, while the com- 
mander-in-chief was painfully retreating before the army 
of Howe and Cornwallis with his handful of half-starved 
and half-clad soldiers, weak and worn with fatigue and 
anxiety, Lee had the audacity to announce to Congress 
that he had no intention to join forces with Washington, 
sajdng, "I am assured he is very strong." The courier of 
Washington was praying for his assistance while he penned 
the lie. His message to the general was, that he would 
aid him in so far "that he would hang on the enemy's 
rear and annoy them," adding that his division "amounted 
to four thousand noble-spirited men." 

"Whom the gods would destroy they first make mad." 
Four days after, Lee with a small guard stopped for the 
night at White's tavern near Baskinridge, eight miles 
from his main army. The enemy were at the safe distance 
of eighteen miles. " The next morning he lay in bed till 
eight o'clock. On rising, he wasted two hours with Wil- 
kinson, a messenger from Gates, in boasting of his own 



GG " all's well that ends well." 

prowess and cavilling at everything done by others. It 
was ten o'clock before he sat down to breakfast, after 
which he took time in a letter to Gates to indulge his 
spleen towards the 'chief in this wise : 

"My dear Gates — 

" The ingenious maneuvre of Fort Washington 
has unhinged the goodly fabric we had been building. 
There never was so damned a stroke. Entre nous, a cer : 
tain great man is most damnably deficient. He has thrown 
me into a situation where I have my choice of difficulties : 
if I stay in this province I risk myself and my army ; if I 
do not stay, the province is lost forever. Tories are in my 
front, rear, and on my flanks. In short, unless something 
which I do not expect turns up, we are lost. * * * * 
Adieu, my dear friend. God bless you. 

"Charles Lee." 

The paper which he signed was not yet folded Avben 
Wilkinson, at the window, cried out, " Here are the British 
cavalry." Something he did not expect turned up, and 
the cause was saved. 

A young British officer with a scouting party of thirty 
dragoons scouring the vicinity, learned of Lee's lodgings, 
and made a sudden descent upon the tavern. The officer 
called for an immediate surrender, or the house would be 
fired. " Within two minutes, he who had made it his 
habitual boast that he would never be taken alive, sneaked 
out unarmed, bareheaded, in slippers and blanket-coat, his 
collar open, pale with fear, with the abject manner of a 
coward, and entreated the dragoons to spare his life. 
They seized him just as he was, and set him on Wilkin- 
son's horse, which stood saddled at the door, and in four 
minutes from the time of their appearance they began 
their retreat." * 

* Bancroft, Vol. IX, pages 209, 210. 



"all's well that ends well." 67 

The British declined to regard him as a prisoner, 
refused to exchange him, and labelled him "deserter/' 
whereupon he proposed to desert hack iuto the British 
army, and offered a plan for a British attack upon the 
Jerseys and capture of Philadelphia. Washington, with 
his illimitable magnanimity, sought to liberate him, and 
finally effected it by giving several British officers in 
exchange. It was a bad investment. He appears again 
at Monmouth, where his treason is unmistakably uncov- 
ered ; he is court-martialed and disappears from history. 
It is incredible that such a combination of qualities could 
have become the idol of the hour with so large and respect- 
able a faction, and that a brave, honest, puritan patriot 
like John Adams could have bestowed upon him a confi- 
dence which he withheld from Washington. 

It would be difficult to estimate the gain to the Amer- 
ican cause by the capture of Lee. His forces now joined 
Washington, who, by his masterly maneuvres, had held the 
whole British army at bay, slowly retreating through New 
Jersey for ninety miles, delaying and harassing the foe, 
covering as he could the terrified inhabitants, gaining 
time, and trusting for the "further protection of mid- 
winter and impassable roads." Crossing the Delaware, he 
secured every boat for seventy miles. Gates had now 
joined him with five hundred New England men, led by 
the valiant Stark, who with Stirling, Mercer, Sullivan, 
Greene, Glover, Knox, Munroe and Alexander Hamilton, 
rendered valuable service in executing that superb stroke, 
the surprise of Trenton and the capture of the Hessian 
army. The plan included the co-operation of three detach- 
ments, crossing at different points. The one at Bristol, 
Washington earnestly solicited Gates to lead, "using the 
language of entreaty." 

His own detachment began its march at three o'clock 
in the afternoon of Christmas day, and reached McConkey's 
Ferry in the winter twilight ; a high wind dashed sleet and 



GS " all's well that ends well." 

hail into their facas ; the swift current swept along huge 
blocks and masses of ice. " At the water's edge Washing- 
ton asked, ' Who will lead us on ? ' Glover's mariners 
of Marblehead, the same that had ferried Washington's 
army from Long Island to New York after the defeat, 
stepped forward to man the boats. Just then a messen- 
ger came, announcing that no help could be expected from 
the troops at Bristol. Soon after, Wilkinson arrived and 
handed a letter to Washington from General Gates. 'From 
General Gates ? ' said Washington ; ' Where is he ? ' ' On" 
his way to Congress,' said Wilkinson." Congress had 
retreated to Baltimore. 

The work was accomplished without him. Brave work, 
fighting the elements all through that wild, storm ful 
winter night, and snatching the victory in the gray dawn 
that was to turn a nation's despair into hope, and gild the 
gloom of night with the radiance of a new day. The 
enemy so interpreted it. "All our hopes," said Lord 
Germain, " were blasted by the unhappy affair at Trenton." 
Whatever might be the estimate which Congress put upon 
Washington's military genius, certain it is that Howe and 
Cornwallis had taken its true porportions. Not alone 
these — all Europe was watching for the outcome of this 
unequal wrestle. The greatest captain of the age, old 
Frederick the Great, recognized his distinguished ability, 
and from the most illustrious persons came praises and 
congratulations to the defenders of human liberty in the 
New World. 

The tide of battle turned; from being. the pursuers, 
the British now became the pursued— a panic seized them 
— they retreated and Washington followed, haunting the 
hills of New Jersey with his phantom army, hovering 
around homesteads and villages to protect the terrified 
women and children from the brutal soldiery ; sweeping 
down upon the enemy's foraging parties like fitful winter 
gusts, capturing, dispersing, or compelling them to keep 




/•'Vest Chester *5>- \ 'S^sif ..-°'° Us C^w-^^^y 

^y*r\FT. MERCER <J W .-tfX* <r\> 






"all's well that ends well." 69 

within their lines; appearing where least expected, and 
disappearing when most wanted to remain. If assailed, 
leading his hungry, half -naked heroes up into some rocky 
fastness for safety; if followed there, creeping stealthily 
away like the mountain mists, to reappear in some unex- 
pected quarter. In vain did Howe maneuvre to bring 
him to battle ; yet with an army of twenty thousand strong, 
while Washington had never more than three thousand, 
the British general dared not march again towards Phila- 
delphia. 

The campaign of 1776 was virtually over, and the plans 
of the British ministry, sustained as they had been by 
overwhelming forces, had failed everywhere ; defeat was at 
the last crowned with victory, and victory slunk away, 
dragging defeat at its heels. Carleton had not descended 
the Hudson, because Howe could not ascend it. Corn- 
wallis had, indeed, overrun New Jersey and threatened 
Philadelphia, but was now driven back to the sea. The 
disastrous repulse from Charleston harbor was part of the 
same campaign — three simultaneous blows, which it was 
thought must prove mortal to the young Eepublic. 

The possession of New York and its harbor, alone 
recompensed their gigantic efforts. 



VII.— 1776, 1777. 
THE KIFLE REGIMENT. 

ON the night of September 11th, 1776, five transports 
sailed into New York harbor, bringing from Canada 
the paroled prisoners released by the clemency of Carleton. 
It was midnight, and the light of a full moon silvered the 
pleasant shores and green hill slopes. From the bow of 
one of the boats, as she touched the land, sprung a stal- 
wart form, and casting himself down with his face to the 
earth, as if to embrace it, he cried aloud, "0, my coun- 
try" ! It was Morgan. He reported without delay to the 
commander-in-chief at the American head-quarters. He 
was warmly received. He assured Washington of his de- 
termination to return to the service, as soon as he could 
be released from his parole, and then he went homeward 
to Abigail and the children. 

Washington promptly transmitted to Congress his views 
and wishes concerning Morgan, in the following letter : 

" Harlem Heights, September 20, 1776. 

" Sir : — I would beg leave to recommend to the particu- 
lar notice of Congress Captain Daniel Morgan, just re- 
turned among the prisoners from Canada. His conduct 
as an officer, on the expedition with General Arnold last 
fall, his intrepid behavior in the assault upon Quebec, 
when the brave Montgomery fell, the inflexible attachment 
he professed to our cause during his imprisonment, and 
which he perseveres in, — all, in my opinion, entitle him to 
the favor of Congress, and lead me to believe that in his 



THE RIFLE REGIMENT. 71 

promotion the States will gain a good and valuable officer, 
* ^ * * 

" I am, sir, 

"Your very humble servant, 

" Gteo. Washington." 

In November, Congress acted upon Washington's sug- 
gestion and gave him a colonel's commission. About the 
beginning of the year he was exchanged and directed to 
recruit for his regiment. In February, he received an 
urgent summons to report with all possible dispatch to the 
main army, — and shortly afterwards the following charac- 
teristic letter from Patrick Henry, the Governor of Vir- 
ginia, reached him : 

" WiLLiAMSBUitGH, March 15, 1777. 

" Sir : — I must once more address you on the subject of 
marching your regiment to join General Washington. 
There is a more pushing necessity for your aid than you 
are acquainted with, or than I can with propriety explain 
in detail. You will, therefore, surmount every obstacle, 
and lose not a moment, lest America receive a wound that 
may prove fatal. 

" I am, sir, etc., 

"Patrick Henry. 

"Colonel Morgan." 

Morgan pushed on at once with what force he had col- 
lected, and by the end of March reached headquarters at 
Morristown. Washington, in the campaign of the previ- 
ous year, had sorely suffered from the lack of a corps of 
sharpshooters — men of the woods and the rifle — under a 
leader of penetration and sagacity, upon whose prompt 
and correct intelligence of the enemy's movements might 
often turn the tide of battle. He detailed a force of five 
hundred picked men from his various regiments, and put 



72 THE RIFLE REGIMENT. 

# 

Morgan in command. As a proof of Morgan's fine dis- 
cernment of character, his eight captains, appointed, by 
himself, all rendered valuable service, and notwithstand- 
ing the severe tests to which they were subsequently sub- 
jected, not one was found wanting. 

The service upon which Morgan now entered was both 
delicate and dangerous, involving abundant labor and 
anxiety, coolness or rashness, according to the emergency ; 
prudence, judgment, and unceasing vigilance. He was 
the watcher, not alone for Washington's camp at Mid- 
dlebrook, but also of Howe's every movement, — of 
which he was to give immediate intelligence to the 
main army, and, with his rangers, to harass, annoy and 
prey upon the enemy's outposts. He proved himself 
a "master workman" in every position in which he was 
placed. 

Through Howe's native indolence, his sluggish Guelph 
blood, or through want of earnestness in the cause (so 
charged the home ministry), he had lost the two best fight- 
ing months — April and May. He had demanded of the 
ministry fifteen thousand additional troops, and the cam- 
paign of 1777 contemplated precisely what they had failed 
to accomplish in 1776 — the capture of the Hudson Eiver 
and Philadelphia. 

Carleton's humanity had brought him into disgrace at 
home. He had been superseded by Burgoyne, who was 
now approaching Ticonderoga, with the expectation of 
Howe's co-operation from below. But Howe could not 
venture to ascend the Hudson, without first disposing of 
Washington's army. It would leave New York in peril 
and expose himself to be penned among the highlands 
of the river. He had had his tilt with Washington in its 
fastnesses the year before, and he had no mind to repeat 
the experiment. He preferred the capture of the capital 
of the young Republic, and preferred also to approach it 
by the easy lowlands of New Jersey. But here, too, he 



THE KIFLE REGIMENT. 73 

must first dispose of Washington's army before lie could 
venture to put the Delaware behind him, and so cut off 
his retreat to his ships in case of disaster. 

Washington had not eight thousand troops in his entire 
command; but he adroitly disposed them to simulate 
a much larger number. On the twelfth of June, Howe 
having received horses, tents, stores, and reinforcements, 
put his army of British, Hessians and Anspachers, to the 
number of seventeen thousand, in motion. Boats and 
pontoons for crossing the Delaware were collected at 
Brunswick. He hoped to draw Washington from his 
fortified camp into a field fight. He marched and man- 
euvred and countermarched ; Washington kept six thou- 
sand intrenched in camp ; Avith the rest, as an army of 
observation, he followed and watched. For himself he 
was night and day in the saddle, and every man slept 
upon his arms. Howe threw up fortifications near the 
American camp, and challenged attack. It was not ac- 
cepted. 

While the armies thus confronted, Congress adopted the 
present national flag of thirteen stripes, with stars, on a 
field of blue. They also fretted and chafed at the inac- 
tivity of the army. While Washington, with matchless 
prudence, was saving the cause, when to have crossed 
the river with his small and ill-provided force was just 
Avhat Howe desired, one of his general officers wrote, 
"We must fight or lose our honor"; and Samuel Adams 
said, " I am not over-well pleased with what is called the 
Fabian war in America." Washington heard it, but he 
heeded it not ; and, with undisturbed self-possession, con- 
tinued to hold in check and baffle an enemy of more than 
twice his numbers. Howe marched again to Brunswick, 
feigning still an intention to cross New Jersey, closely 
observed by Washington. Baffled and out-man euvred, 
on the twentieth, to the joy and relief of the whole State, 
the entire British force was in retreat for Amboy. On 
4 



74 THE RIFLE REGIMENT. 

this retreat Morgan greatly distinguished himself. Wash- 
ington had planned a joint attack by Sullivan, Maxwell 
and Greene, between Brunswick and Amboy. Sullivan 
arrived too late ; Maxwell did not receive the order sent 
him ; Greene was on hand, but placed his battery of heavy 
guns at a point too distant to be effective. But at Piscat- 
away, Morgan and his riflemen attacked the column of 
Cornwaflis so fiercely and persistently that Howe was 
forced to order up heavy artillery, before he could rid 
his flanks of their unerring rifle-balls and proceed upon 
his retreat. 

The American officers were generally jubilant, declaring 
that the British were panic-struck. Washington did not 
share in this opinion, but so far yielded to their wishes as 
to come down from the heights with his main army. 
Stirling with one division pushed ahead. Howe immedi- 
ately conceived the idea of getting into their rear. Hastily 
recalling his German battalions which had crossed to 
Staten Island, he made a swift march in two columns, by 
different routes. On the night of the twenty-sixth, 
Cornwallis overtook Stirling, who fired once and fled, 
leaving three pieces of his artillery, — brass three-pounders, 
but recently arrived from France. The Americans lost 
more than a hundred killed and prisoners ; the British 
less. The other column under Howe, who had aimed 
for Washington's division to which Morgan was attached, 
accomplished nothing ; they had retired promptly to the 
heights of Middlebrook. 

The British again turned towards Amboy. On this 
retreat also Morgan overtook Cornwallis' division, and 
followed it as far as Eahway, keeping up a continual 
skirmish upon his flanks and rear, killing and wounding 
a large number. Never once had he or his party suffered 
a surprise, or failed to accomplish what they were expected 
to do. 

Washington, in his reports to Congress, made honorable 



THE RIFLE REGIMENT. 75 

mention of them, specially noting that " they constantly 
advanced upon an enemy far superior to them in numbers 
and well secured." Wayne also shared this honorable 
mention. 

On the 30th of June, Howe evacuated New Jersey, 
never again, as it proved, to put foot upon its soil. 



vm.— 1111. 

FALL OF TICONDEKOGA. 

PHILADELPHIA once more breathed freely, and 
ventured to observe the first anniversary of inde- 
pendence with demonstrations rather more jubilant than 
if its citizens had known the calamity that was on that 
day impending over the northern army. A week after, the 
tidings fell like a sound of doom over the land. On the 
5th of July fell Ticonderoga. and the northern gates of 
the Eepublic were in the hands of Burgoyne. 

Washington dared not move until he could penetrate 
Howe's plans of summer campaign. It would be either to 
ascend the river and co-operate with Burgoyne, or, perhaps, 
to make another attack on Philadelphia. In the latter 
case, he might march across New Jersey as before, or em- 
bark on the fleet of Admiral Howe and by sea ascend the 
Delaware, or enter the Chesapeake Bay, disembark at its 
head, and approach the city by land. It was barely possi- 
ble that he might contemplate an expedition still further ; 
this last was not probable at so advanced a season. 

Fortunately for the American cause, Howe could not 
rid himself of the ambition or delusion that the capture 
of Philadelphia was of the highest military importance. 
Besides, he was irritated at being out-generaled in New 
Jersey ; and stirred with envy at the splendid success of 
Burgoyne, he resolved to let him for the present carve his 
own fortunes on the Hudson. He embarked his army and 
stood out to sea. 

Washington ordered a strict watch along the coast. 



FALL OF TICO]S\DEROGA. 77 

After some days, the British fleet was seen at the mouth 
of the Delaware. Still Washington did not move — it might 
be only a maneuvre. The fleet disappeared for several 
days ; Washington still thought Howe would return and 
go up the Hudson. The commander-in-chief could not 
rid himself of this opinion, because it would have been 
Howe's highest wisdom to do so. A week later, the fleet 
sailed into Chesapeake Bay, and, no longer in doubt,Wash- 
ington put his army in motion, and ordered the militia of 
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland and Virginia to join 
him. 

The conduct of the northern campaign was equally 
Washington's care at this time with that of his own. Dis- 
cord and disorder reigned there alike, to the discomfiture 
of patriots and the peril of the cause. The intrigues of 
Gates had prevailed with Congress, and they had appointed 
him to supersede Schuyler in command of the northern 
department. Gates' ambition was pricked by his family 
influence. "As your son and heir," wrote his only t:hild, 
" I entreat you not to tarnish the honor of your family. " 
His uneasy and ambitious wife adds : " If you give up one 
iota, and condescend to be adjutant-general, I may forgive, 
but will never forget it." 

The old patriot, Schuyler, was willing to be displaced 
by a man of superior ability, but not by this vain and 
hungry place-seeker, whom he rightly estimated. 

Schuyler repaired to Congress, and in person appealed 
from this decision of the Board of War. After protracted 
debate, he was reinstated just in time to share the odium 
with St. Clair of the fall of Ticonderoga, and most aus- 
piciously for Gates, who thus escaped all responsibility for 
the disaster. During his temporary command at the north, 
Gates, whose treachery against the commander-in-chief 
was maturing, used every effort to divert reinforcements 
from Washington's army to his own. Writing to Hancock, 
he says : " I foresee the worst of consecmences from too 



78 FALL OF T1CONDEROGA. 

great a proportion of the main army being drawn into the 
Jerseys. Request Congress, in my name, to order two 
troops of horse to Albany. " It was clone. 

AVashington thought that Gates should make his requi- 
sitions directly to him, or at least furnish him a duplicate ; 
but Gates insisted upon dealing immediately with Con- 
gress, on the plea that it required less writing. He sneer- 
ingly remarked to a member of Congress, " I am not in- 
fected with a cacoethis scribendi : one serviceable action 
without doors is worth all that has been wrote since the 
beginning of the war." In a letter to Lovell, a New 
England member of Congress, he rehearses his complaints 
against " George Washington, " urging that Congress 
should intervene because " Generals were like parsons, all 
for christening their own child first." * 

In these puerile innuendoes against a spirit too lofty to 
entertain such sentiments, Gates lays bare his own heart, 
with its envious self-seeking, without an element of patri- 
otism, or a scruple for the consequences to the cause. 

Washington did not share the panic with regard to the 
advance of Burgoyne into the wilderness of upper New 
York ; he rather hailed it. His prophetic forecast antici- 
pated the disastrous termination of the invasion. Bur- 
goyne's army was less than eight thousand. He wrote 
encouragingly to Schuyler, bidding him " never despair"; 
explaining that Burgoyne must necessarily leave adequate 
garrisons at every post in his rear, which would be con- 
tinually menaced by the militia of New York and Ver- 
mont : that the immense labor of cutting new roads and 
dragging artillery and supplies through such a wilderness, 
would exhaust and delay their movements ; that the har- 
vests were now gathered, and the brave yeomanry of New 
York and New England would flock to reinforce his army, 
eager to avenge the shocking barbarities of Burgoyne's 
Indian allies. Yet at this time, "perplexed in the ex- 
* Bancroft, Vol. IX. 



FALL OF TICOISTDEROGA. 79 

treme " by Howe's maneuvres, — with the whole coast from 
New York to Maryland threatened ; entreaties for rein- 
forcements and supplies continued to pour in upon him 
from Schuyler, from the Council of New York, from Jay 
and Gouverneur Morris. Schuyler was terrified out of all 
reason ; Washington sent Arnold the fearless, and Lincoln, 
who was popular with the Eastern militia. He sent also, 
to his own loss and discomfiture, Glover of Massachusetts, 
with his fine brigade of Continentals ; and wrote to the 
Governors of the Eastern States urging them to hasten on 
their militia. Things went as Washington had predicted. 
Burgoyne's army, supplied from Canada, began to suffer 
hunger. They essayed to seize the American stores at 
Bennington, but Stark repulsed them and won there a 
splendid victory and enduring fame. Another expedition 
for a similar purpose, in the Mohawk Valley, was repulsed 
near Fort Stanwix by the brave yeomanry of that valley 
under Herkimer, who fell in the conflict. 

These were irretrievably heavy blows for the army of 
Burgoyne. Just after these important victories, Congress 
again superseded Schuyler by the appointment of Gates. 
" Most auspiciously for Gates," says Irving, "at this pro- 
pitious moment, when everything was ready for the sickle 
to be put into the harvest, General Gates arrived in camp 
and relieved Schuyler of his command, so lcng the object 
of his aspirations, if not intrigues." Gates continued 
the demand for reinforcements, and Congress, against 
Washington's advice, who warned them that New Jersey 
and Pennsylvania troops were needed at home to repel 
Howe, granted him full powers to call on those States, 

Last and heaviest loss of all to the commander-in-chief, 
Congress directed him to dispatch Morgan and his picked 
brigade, selected from his best regiments, to assist Gates 
against the Indians. 

"Washington obeyed so promptly that the order may 
seem to have been his own." 



80 FALL OF TICONDEROGA. 

"August 16, 1777. 
"Sir:— After you receive this, you will march as soon 
as possible with the corps under your command to Peeks- 
kill, where vessels will be provided to take you to Albany. 
The approach of the enemy has made further reinforce- 
ments necessary, and I know of no corps so likely to check 
their progress in proportion to its number as that under 
your command. 

"I have great dependence on you, your officers and 
your men, and I am persuaded you will do honor to your- 
selves and essential service to your country, etc., etc. 
" I am your obedient servant, 

"George Washington." 
" Colonel Morgan." 

To General Gates, Washington wrote: "I have dis- 
patched Colonel Morgan with his riflemen to your assist- 
ance, and expect they will be with you in eight or ten 
days from this date. This corps I have great dependence 
on, and have no doubt but they will be exceedingly useful 
to you ; as a check given to the savages and keeping them 
within bounds, will prevent General Burgoyne from get- 
ting intelligence as formerly," etc., etc. 

To General Putnam he wrote : " The people of the 
Northern army seem so intimidated by the Indians that I 
have determined to send up Colonel Morgan's corps. You 
will please have sloops ready at Peekskill to transport 
them, and provisions laid in, that they may not wait a 
moment." 

To Governor Clinton : " I am forwarding as fast as 
possible Colonel Morgan's corps of riflemen, amounting 
to about five hundred. These are all chosen men, selected 
from the army at large, well acquainted with the rifle 
and with that mode of fighting which is necessary to make 
them a good counterpoise to the savages. / expect the 
most eminent services from them, and I shall be mistaken 



FALL OF TICONDEROGA. 81 

if their presence does not go far towards producing a 
general desertion among the savages." 

General Gates, in reply to Washington, writes : "I 
cannot sufficiently thank your excellency for sending 
Colonel Morgan's corps to this army ; they will be of the 
greatest service to it, for, until the late successes this way 
[Bennington and Fort Stanwix], the army, I am told, 
were quite panic-struck by the Indians and their Tory 
and Canadian assassins in Indian dresses." * * * * 

At Albany Morgan found a letter from Gates, express- 
ing his great satisfaction at the prospect of receiving him 
at headquarters. On arriving, his corps was designated 
as the advance of the army, and he was to receive orders 
only from General Gates. 

These excerpts sufficiently show how rapidly Morgan 
had risen in the estimation of the officers of the army. 
The sequel proves that he was equally as good a counter- 
poise to the best and bravest of Burgoyne's British and 
Hessian officers, as to his savage allies. 



IX.— 1777. 
BATTLE OF BBANDYWINE. 

BUT how fared Washington, without the stout hearts 
and strong hands he had sent to Gates? Before 
him was another field fight with overwhelming odds, to 
save the city of Philadelphia. The War Boards, one 
would think, might by this time have digested the error 
of Long Island and New York. But the same spirit still 
adventured to direct military affairs. John Adams wrote: 

" We shall rake and scrape enough to do Howe's busi- 
ness ; the continental army under Washington is more 
numerous by several thousands than Howe's whole force ; 
the enemy give out that they are eighteen thousand strong, 
but we know better, and that they have not ten thousand. 
Washington is very prudent ; I should put more to risk 
were I in his shoes, but perhaps he is right. Gansevoort 
[at Stanwix] has proved that it is possible to hold a post, 
and Stark [at Bennington], that it is practicable even to 
attack lines and posts with militia. I wish the continen- 
tal army would prove that anything can be done. I am 
weary with so much insipidity ; I am sick of Fabian 
systems. My toast is, a short and violent war."* 

Now according to returns in the British Department of 
States, Howe's army numbered nineteen thousand five 
hundred effective men, besides officers. Both officers and 
men were soldiers by profession, selected from the best 
of the British empire, and the best of the warlike race of 
Hesse, perfectly equipped. Washington's effective force, 

* Bancroft. Vol. IX. 



BATTLE OF BKANDYWINE. 83 

including militia and volunteers, was less than twelve 
thousand. 

" Congress never exacted more from Washington, and 
never gave him less support ; hut he indulged in no com- 
plaint, bearing himself with meekness and dignity, never 
forgetting the obedience and respect that were due to 
Congress as his civil superior. Thus he tired out evil 
tongues and adverse fortune, and saved his country by 
courage and constancy. He saw that posterity was his 
own; " * 

But such were the friends he had at his back, while his 
face was turned so bravely to their foes. 

He never showed himself more fertile in resources than 
in this campaign ; but it would have required super- 
human genius to overcome the blundering of his general 
officers — Sullivan at the fords of the Brandywine, and 
Greene at Germantown. for one hour of Morgan and 
his riflemen ! f 

Immediately after the battle of Brandywine, Washing- 
ton sent the following to Gates : 

" Camp near Pottsgkove, September 24th, 1777. 
" Sir : — This army has not been able to oppose General 
Howe with the success that I wished, and needs a rein- 
forcement. I therefore request that, if you have been so 
fortunate as to oblige General Burgoyne to retreat to 
Ticonderoga, or if you have not, and circumstances will 
admit, that you will order Colonel Morgan to join me 

* Bancroft, Vol. IX. 

f Colonel Heth writes to Morgan under date of September 30th : 
"You have been greatly wished for, since the enemy's landing at the 
head of Elk river." Colonel Febriger shortly after writes: "It is 
generally believed that some of the severest reverses we have lately 
experienced, might have been obviated, could we have had the co- 
operation of yourself and your gallant corps." — Graham's Life of 
Morgan, p. 178. 



84 BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE. 

again with his corps. I sent him up when I thought you 
materially wanted him, and if his services can be dis- 
pensed with now, you will direct him to return im- 
mediately. You will perceive I do not mention this by 
way of command, but leave you to determine upon it 
according to your situation, etc., etc. 

" Your obedient servant, 

"Geo. Washington.'' 
" Major General Gates." 

The delicate entreaty of this letter, would have been 
sufficient for any man, not utterly wanting in every senti- 
ment of generosity and justice. He replied immediately, 
but nothing was further from his intentions than to com- 
ply with the request. 

" Camp Behmtts Height, October 5th, 1777. 

"Sir: — Since the action of the 19th the enemy have 
kept the ground they occupied the morning of that day, 
and fortified their camp. The advanced sentries of my 
picket are posted within shot of, and opposite the enemy's ; 
neither side have given ground an inch. 

" In this situation, your Excellency would not wish me 
to part with the corps, the army of General Burrjoyne is 
most afraid of In a fortnight at furthest I have the 
prospect of being able to reinforce your Excellency in a 
more considerable manner than by a single regiment, etc., 
etc., etc. 

"I have the honor to be, etc. 

"Hokatio Gates." 

"His Excellency General Washington." 



John Adams criticised the defeat at Brandywine severely, 
and blamed Washington for crossing the Schuylkill. " It 



BATTLE OF BRAtfDYWINE. 85 

is a very injudicious maneuvre : if he had sent one brigade 
of his regular troops to have headed the militia, he might 
have cut to pieces Howe's army in attempting to cross 
any of the fords. Howe will not attempt it. He will 
wait for his fleet in the Delaware. ! Heaven grant us 
one great soul. One leading mind, would extricate the 
best cause from that ruin which seems to await it." — 
Nevertheless,- Howe crossed the Schuylkill that da}' and 
spoiled the prophecy. The British Generals reached far 
different conclusions concerning Washington's maneuvres. 
The spirited attack at Germantown, October 4th, so soon 
after Brandywine, proved the latter rather a check than 
a defeat, and went far to discourage the British, and 
reassure the friends of America abroad. Washington lost 
nothing of his military prestige with them. Especially 
the retreat after Germantown, was pronounced "admi- 
rably conducted, as the attack had been well planned." 

In both these actions, the foreign officers showed great 
gallantry and did excellent service ; Armand, Fleury, 
Pulaski, and above all La Fayette. 

These noble spirits had been drawn from the ends of 
the earth, by the personal magnetism of Washington, 
and the beauty of the cause to which he had given him- 
self. The French officers especially found themselves 
inspired with an admiration, at once enthusiastic and pro- 
found, — alike honorable to themselves and the commander- 
in-chief. 

As in the campaign of 1776, Washington, by his move- 
ments below, had prevented the execution of Carleton's 
programme at the North, so again in 1777, after sending 
to Gates so many of his best troops and officers, he yet 
had managed to detain Howe, with an army nearly twice 
his own, thirty days in a march of fifty-four miles, and 
thus prevented his co-operation with Burgoyne. 

This co-operation was included in the -orders of the 
ministry, and Howe fully calculated to take Philadelphia 



86 BATTLE OF BR ANDY WINE. 

in time to dispatch an adequate force to Burgoyne's 
assistance, after he should have reached Albany. But 
the second battle of Stillwater was fought three days after 
Germantown, and on the 18th October came swift heralds 
into the camp bringing news of the surrender of Burgoyne. 

Washington received it as if it had been his own victory, 
with devout thankfulness ; as "a signal stroke of Provi- 
dence." " All will be well," he said, "in His own good 
time." Somewhere evidently, this great soul had had a 
Jacob's wrestle with God's angel, and they had come to 
an understanding. 

The news of the surrender soon passed from the Amer- 
ican into the British camp, and General Howe learned 
with excessive vexation the reverses of British arms at the 
North. He was also far from satisfied with his own posi- 
tion. He found that the possession of Philadelphia in no 
way altered the status. There was no intimidation, no 
panic, no yielding of purpose with the patriots. The posi- 
tion was likewise one of anxiety and peril. 

The outcome could only be a question of "how long 
shall we stay here, and by what way leave ? " 

The British addressed themselves at once to reduce the 
defences of the Delaware River, as Howe foresaw that he 
must depend mainly upon the fleet for supplies. 

In a fit of impatience he ordered the assault upon Bed 
Bank ; one of the most obstinate of the American fortifi- 
cations. It was repulsed with frightful loss. 

On receiving the intelligence of this victory at Red 
Bank, John Adams exclaimed : "Thank God ! the glory 
is not immediately due to the commander-in-chief, or 
idolatry and adulation would have been so excessive as to 
endanger our liberties." 

Not long after, Howe asked the king's leave to resign, 
at the same time assuring the miuistry that still another 
campaign would be necessary for the reduction of America 
with larger reinforcements than they had yet dispatched. 



BATTLE OF BRAJS'DYWIKE. 87 

The confidence that Congress withheld from Washing- 
ton was fully given to Gates. His promises to reinforce 
the commander-in-chief after the surrender of Burgoyne 
remained purposely unfulfilled. Weeks passed , and not a 
soldier had been sent southward. Washington at last 
" dispatched Alexander Hamilton with authority to de- 
mand them." In his letter of instructions to Hamilton, 
Washington writes, "If you meet Colonel Morgan and 
his corps on their way down, let them know how essential 
their services are to us, and desire the Colonel to hasten 
his march as much as is consistent with the health of his 
men, after their late fatigues." * But Grates still continued 
to evade compliance, making an idle and insincere pretext 
of attack upon Ticonderoga, for he knew the British had 
abandoned it. He sent no report of the surrender to 
Washington — a marked disrespect — but to Congress : 

"With an army in health, vigor, and spirits, Major- 
General Gates now waits the commands of the honorable 
Congress." 

Instead of rebuking his insubordination in the matter 
of sending the troops to Washington, Congress forbade 
Washington to detach more than twenty-five hundred 
men, including the corps of Morgan, without first con- 
sulting Gates and Clinton. Subsequently it amended the 
order directing that he should not detach any troops 
except after such consultation, and "John and Samuel 
Adams, and Gerry of Massachusetts, and Marchant of 
Ehode Island voted for that restriction." 

It was the 18 th of November before Morgan with his 
corps arrived at Whitemarsh, Washington's headquarters, 
having been basely held back more than five weeks after 
Burgoyne's capitulation had become a certainty. 

* Graham's Life of Morgan, p. 177. 



X.— 1777. 
AENOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. 

WE left Arnold at Ticoncleroga, after his naval 
battle with Carleton in October, 1776. He re- 
mained there a month, and then reported to Washing- 
ton a few days before the battle of Trenton. He had 
missed despatches on his way down, instructing him 
to repair at once to Rhode Island, to concert measures 
to meet the threatened invasion of a heavy British fleet 
then hovering off the coast. He spent the winter in 
Rhode Island and Boston, but failed in raising an ade- 
quate force either to check the invasion or to dislodge 
the British from Newport, where they had landed and 
intrenched themselves. 

In March, 1777, whilst he sojourned at Boston, Con- 
gress appointed five Major-Generals, all from Arnold's 
juniors in rank. He was loud in his indignation. He 
wrote to Gates : 

" By Heaven ! I am a villain, if I seek not 
A brave revenge for inj ured honor." 

Washington wrote immediately a soothing letter, assur- 
ing him that there must have been some mistake, and 
that the matter should be investigated. This did but 
" plunge him into more choler." 

He replied : " Congress promoting junior officers to the 
rank of major-generals, I view as a very civil way of 
requesting my resignation as unqualified for the office I 
hold. My commission was conferred unsolicited, and 



ABNOLD BEFORE CONGBESS. 89 

received with pleasure only as a means of serving my 
country. With equal pleasure I resign it, when I can no 
longer serve my country with honor. The person who, 
void of the nice feeling of honor, will tamely condescend 
to give up his right and retain a commission at the 
expense of his reputation, I hold as a disgrace to the 
army, and unworthy of the glorious cause in which we 
are engaged. When I entered the army, my character 
was unimpeached. I have sacrificed my interest, ease, 
and happiness in her cause." Here spouts up a jet of 
truth : "It is rather a misfortune than a fault, that my 
exertions have not heen crowned with success. In justice, 
therefore, to my own character, and for the satisfaction 
of my friends, I must request a court of inquiry into my 
conduct," etc., etc. 

Meantime Washington had, on inquiry into the affair, 
learned that the several States insisted on having general 
officers in proportion to the number of troops furnished, 
and Connecticut already had her quota. 

He hastened to explain this to Arnold, adding : "I con- 
fess this is a strange mode of reasoning, but it may show 
you that the promotion due to your seniority was not over- 
looked for want of merit." He further dissuaded him 
from asking a court of inquiry, as no charge had been 
made against him by Congress, adding that public bodies 
were not responsible for their acts, and that all the satis- 
faction an individual could obtain was his own conscious- 
ness that he deserved better than he had received. 

But this philosophy was no cure for Arnold's malady. 
He refused to be comforted, and still desired permission 
to go to Philadelphia and demand an inquiry. He had 
braved court-martials before, and parried their righteous 
judgment so successfully that he now resolved to outface 
Congress. 

But Colonel Stark had also been omitted from the five 
brigadier-generals newly made by Congress, and one can 



•JO ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. 

scarcely refrain from wondering that Washington showed 
so little uneasiness for the neglect of an officer who had so 
recently performed the bravest and most invaluable ser- 
vice. He with Washington had run the ice blockade of 
the Delaware, and after the inspiration of the presence 
of the commander-in-chief, it was Stark's bayonet charge 
that had assured the victory at Trenton. He performed 
signal service afterward at Princeton, and at the same 
time, when the paymaster was out of both money and 
credit, he, with Washington and other officers, pledged his 
private fortune. 

He had distinguished himself at Bunker Hill, and long 
before in the French-Indian war, — everywhere performing 
brilliant and valuable service. He was clearly worth all 
the major-generals Congress had yet appointed ; but they 
passed him by, because he was " self-willed," though he 
stood at the head of the list from New Hampshire. The 
great heart was hurt to the core, and on behalf of insulted 
manhood he left the service and went home to his plough, 
" where his patriotism, like the fire of the smithy when 
sprinkled with water, glowed more fiercely than ever." 
His State received him with honor, and put him at the 
head of all the troops soon after raised to oppose Bur- 
goyne's approach. 



But Arnold was no Cincinnatus, and had besides no 
plough to go to. He went to Philadelphia. On his way, 
passing through Connecticut, he heard of the raid of two 
thousand British troops under Tryon, who had landed at 
Campo, near Fairfax, and proceeded to Danbury to de- 
stroy the public stores thus collected. Generals Wooster 
and Silliman, with Connecticut militia, had gone in pur- 
suit of them. Arnold joined himself to them uninvited, 
about four miles from Danbury, where they learned that 



ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. 91 

the town and stores had been burned, and the British were 
retiring by the route they had come. General Wooster 
with his division pushed on and made a spirited attack 
upon their rear, taking a score of prisoners, but the brave 
old man fell from his horse mortally wounded. Arnold 
headed the other division, and made a boyish attempt to 
intercept their march by throwing up a barricade, behind 
which his party fought for fifteen minutes, when the 
British, four times their number, easily out-flanked them 
and went on their way. They, however, hung upon the 
enemy's rear, and Arnold fought with his usual desperate 
bravery — dust and splinters flying, and two horses killed 
under him ! The British ran at the last, but embarked 
safely, having accomplished what they came to do with 
small loss. 

"The news of these exploits soon reached Congress," 
and the commission of Major-General was given to him ; 
also a horse handsomely caparisoned. Were ever honors 
so cheaply won ? But this still left him below the five 
before appointed. He continued to sulk. Washington, 
anxious to put him in good humor, endeavored to make 
what amends he could for the neglect of Congress, by ap- 
pointing him to the command on the North River, then 
considered one, if not the most honorable post an officer 
could hold. 

He, however, declined it, and preferred to obtain from 
Congress an examination into his conduct. Arriving at 
Philadelphia, he became convinced of what he had sus- 
pected, — that the published accusations of Colonel Brown 
had made an impression; the spirits of Montreal and 
Ticonderoga " would not down." 

His complaints were loud, and with an air of injured 
innocence he wrote to Congress : " I am exceedingly un- 
happy to find, that after having made every sacrifice of 
fortune, ease, and domestic happiness to serve my country, 
I am publicly impeached (in particular by Lieutenant- 



92 ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. 

Colonel Brown) of a catalogue of crimes which, if true, 
ought to subject me to disgrace, infamy, and the just 
resentment of my coimtrymen. Conscious of the recti- 
tude of my intentions — however I may have erred in judg- 
ment — I must request the favor of Congress to point out 
some mode by which my conduct, and that of my accusers, 
may be inquired into, and justice done to the innocent 
and injured." 

The case went to the " Board of War," and they acquit- 
ted him, declaring that his character had been " cruelly and 
groundlessly aspersed." Congress confirmed the report, but 
still withheld the rank for which he contended. Nor were 
the impressions removed from the minds of many mem- 
bers of Congress by the clearance of the "Board of War." 

Arnold was sensible of this, and was still dissatisfied 
and uneasy. He next presented his accounts, which in- 
volved him in new difficulties. In fact, if the accounts 
had preceded the inquiry, it is doubtful if the acquittal 
would have been accorded. They were hopelessly con- 
fused. This confusion was no doubt largely consequent 
upon the want of proper organization at the beginning of 
hostilities. The business of purchases, payments, etc., 
often fell upon the commanders of detachments. 

It was peculiarly the case in the Canadian campaign. 
" From the time Arnold left Cambridge until after the re- 
treat to Crown Point, he had on various occasions acted as 
commander, commissary and paymaster. His accounts were 
voluminous, complicated, and in many parts without 
vouchers or proj)er certificates." This irregularity they 
could have condoned, but it was also discovered " that he 
had introduced a series of extravagant charges in his own 
favor, some of them dubious in their character, and others 
manifestly unreasonable, even if the items could have been 
proved, which swelled his personal claims upon the gov- 
ernment to an enormous amount." * 

* Sparks' Life of Arnold. 



ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. 93 

As it was pretty well known that he had entered the 
service without either money or credit, another "inquiry" 
now arose as to how, in the space of a few months spent 
in active military service, he could have accumulated a 
private fortune of such an amount as appeared in the 
balance of his accounts. 

In short, it w T as clearly perceived to be a piece of insolent 
knavery, in which Congress was to be overreached and the 
public defrauded. His enemies now spoke out more em- 
phatically, and his friends were vexed and grieved at 
" the hard task they had undertaken, of vindicating a man 
whose merits as an officer were of the highest order, and 
whose services they deemed invaluable to the country." 

What blindness ! What infatuation ! What one piece of 
valuable service did his record show ? He had certainly 
discovered a remarkable genius for " doing the things he 
should have left undone, and leaving undone those he 
should have done "; for running before he was sent, and 
where he was not needed, and bearing away laurels that 
others had won. Loss, failure and disaster had dogged 
his steps from the outset. The accounts were referred to 
a committee, and the matter hung. 

It was now June, 1777, and Howe was again threatening 
to cross ISTew Jersey. Philadelphia was astir. Arnold 
was sent by the " War Board" to guard the Delaware, and co- 
operate with Washington. But, as we have elsewhere seen, 
Morgan's rifle-balls, at Piscataway and Rahway, together 
with Washington's stubborn entrenchments, had driven 
Howe to decide upon approaching Philadelphia by sea. 
Thus Arnold had no opportunity for " new " exploits. 

He returned to urge the settlement of his accounts, — a 
matter of prime necessity for him. But the committee 
seemed not at all inclined to allow them, and delayed their 
report. Delay and investigation were what Arnold most 
dreaded. He therefore broke in upon their deliberations 
with a tender of his resignation, declaring that he was 



94 ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. 

driven to this step only by a sense of the injustice he had 
suffered. He protested an ardent love for his country, and 
his readiness again to "fight and bleed" in her cause. 
Just at this time, came the intelligence of the fall of 
Ticonderoga, and the triumphant advance of Burgoyne in 
the north ; also a letter from Washington, urging Con- 
gress to send Arnold to the northern army. He likewise 
wrote to Arnold, soothing him and persuading him to go. 

His resignation was probably intended to prick the 
sympathies of Congress ; at all events, he was easily in- 
duced to suspend it, and he proceeded at once to join 
Schuyler. 

Arriving at headquarters, he was put in command of 
a division of the army and stationed near Fort Edward. 
Four days after, within the limits of his command, occur- 
red the tragedy of Jane McCrea. 

Arnold's pickets were driven in, and two or three killed. 
Those who escaped brought an exaggerated account of the 
number of the savages. Arnold detached a thousand men in 
pursuit, in two divisions, one to fall upon their front and 
the other upon their rear. A heavy shower of rain, however, 
fell upon their powder, and they marched back without 
seeing the Indians. It proved to have been only a small 
party who made a swift retreat after the atrocious murder.* 

The next day Schuyler and his whole army fell back to 
Stillwater. Meantime the question of Arnold's rank had 
been brought before Congress, and the vote was heavily 
against him, — three to one. He immediately signified to 
Schuyler his intention to retire ; but Schuyler besought 
him not to leave at that critical juncture, and he again 
suspended his purpose. 

The next event in Arnold's military career occurred in 
connection with the relief of Fort Stanwix — a most im- 
portant accessory to the surrender of Burgoyne. Having 
penetrated well into the wilderness between Fort Edward 
* Bancroft gives only two Indians. — Vol. IX, p. 392. 



ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. 95 

and Albany, with the militia swarming in his rear, it be- 
came no longer possible for Burgoyne to feed his army 
from Canada. It was a necessity to draw supplies from 
the fruitful valley of the Mohawk. The raid upon Ben- 
nington was also planned with the view of the capture of 
the magazines at that point. 

Burgoyne had dispatched St. Leger with eight hundred 
British and nearly a thousand Seneca warriors to besiege 
Fort Stanwix — a formidable post of well-constructed 
earth-works at the head-waters of the Mohawk, ably garri- 
soned by six hundred men under Colonel Gansevoort. A 
brave band of patriot freeholders of the Mohawk Valley, 
under. Herkimer, advanced to the relief of the garrison. 
Informed of their approach, the whole body of savages, 
carefully depositing their blankets and fur robes, left the 
camp naked, or with only hunting-shirts, armed with 
spear, musket and tomahawk for their murderous busi- 
ness. They were supported by Butler with his rangers, 
Sir John Johnson with his Yorkers, some British regulars 
and Canadians. 

On came the patriot band, and about six miles from the 
fort they entered an ambuscade. They were misled as 
to the numbers of their foe. A fierce and bloody strug- 
gle they made of it; "the white man, born on the banks 
of the Mohawk, wrestled single-handed with the Seneca 
warrior, child of the soil, dealing mortal wounds with the 
bayonet or the hatchet ; falling in the forest together, 
their left hands clinched in each other's hair, their right 
hand grasping in the grip of death the knife plunged in 
each other's bosom."* Herkimer was mortally wounded, 
but remained on the field giving orders to the last. 

After a struggle of two hours the savages withdrew, 
leaving sixty of their warriors dead or wounded beneath 
the trees. On the other side, the blood of over one hun- 
dred and fifty of the best and bravest freeholders of the 
* Bancroft, Vol. IX. 



96 ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. 

valley of the Mohawk, crimsoned the green sward of the 
forest. 

During the progress of the battle, a party of two hun- 
dred and fifty sallied out from the Fort under Colonel 
Willett ; they entered the camp and captured five British 
flags, private papers, all the kettles, blankets, and fur robes 
of the Indians, with a squad of prisoners, and returned 
safely. 

For the first time a captured British flag floated beneath 
the stars and stripes. 

The Indians, frantic at the slaughter of their chiefs and 
chilled by the loss of their blankets and furs, began to 
desert. They had heard of the approach of reinforce- 
ments ; it might mean another Herkimer, for Schuyler 
had detached a brigade of eight hundred men under Gen- 
eral Learned. Arnold, however, volunteered to take com- 
mand. He was instructed to call out militia as he ad- 
vanced, protect the settlements, and repel the enemy. 

Arriving at German Flats, Arnold counted his forces, 
and found he had twelve hundred regulars and about 
one hundred militia. He also learned that St. Leger's 
force was seventeen hundred, including a thousand Indians. 
Arnold's force, with the garrison of Fort Stanwix, was 
quite equal to that of the enemy ; but he was no Indian 
fighter, as the "Cedars" had proved; he therefore dis- 
patched a messenger to General Gates, who had again 
superseded Schuyler, asking for a thousand light troops. 
He also issued a pompous and wordy proclamation full 
of promises to those who would submit, and direful 
threats to such as continued in arms against the United 
States. He then ventured to move forward toward Fort 
Stanwix. 

A singular turn of affairs here occurred. A spy had 
been captured and brought into the American camp ; an 
inhabitant of that vicinity. Sparks says, that Lieutenant 
Colonel Brooks of Massachusetts suggested that he be 



ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. 97 

sent to the enemy with false intelligence ; he was to re- 
port the approach of a large army ; by this they hoped to 
stimulate the desertion of the savages. Sparks also says 
that "a friendly Indian advised that bullets should be 
shot through his clothing, to confirm his story," of escape 
from the Americans. His life and the security of his 
property was to be the reward of his faithfulness, and his 
brother was detained as a hostage. 

His part was handsomely performed. A second mes- 
senger followed hard after, and magnified the number 
threefold. The ruse was perfectly successful. A panic 
seized the Indians, who stood not upon the order of their 
going, but plundered their friends, as if they had been 
their enemies, bearing off as their booty the clothing of 
the British officers, boats and provisions. The panic com- 
municated itself to St. Leger's force, and though no man 
pursued, the retreat became a flight, leaving fifty-nine 
tents standing, with much baggage and equipage. 

The news of St. Leger's retreat reached Arnold twenty- 
two miles from Stanwix, but this officer could by no 
means omit the punctilio of marching on, and in person 
entering the fort with colors flying, without having struck 
a blow. 

A swift march back to Gates' army, upon which Burgoyne 
was now pressing down, would have been more useful, 
but it would have been no "exploit." Arnold's letters 
confirm the above statements. 



" To General Gates. 

" German Flats, August 21st, 1777. 

" Dear General :— I leave this place this morning with 
twelve hundred continental troops and a handful of 
militia, for Fort Stanwix, which is still besieged by a num- 
ber equal to ours. You shall hear of my being victorious 
or no more. As soon as the safety of this part of the 
5 



98 ABNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. 

country will permit, I will fly to your assistance. General 
Herkimer died yesterday. 

" I am, etc. 

"Benedict Arnold." 

"To General Gates. 

"Fort Dayton, August 23d, 1777. 

"Dear General : — I wrote you on the 21st from ' German 
Flats ' and requested you to send me a reinforcement of a 
thousand light troops. As the enemy had made their 
approaches within two hundred yards of the fort, I was 
determined to hazard a battle rather than suffer the garri- 
son to fall a sacrifice. This morning I marched from the 
German Flats for this place. Here I have met with an 
express, with an enclosed letter from Colonel Gansevoort, 
acquainting me that the enemy had yesterday retired from 
Fort Stanwix with precipitation. I shall immediately 
detach nine hundred men, and make, a forced march in 
hopes of coming up with their rear and securing their 
cannon and baggage. I have sent an order for the light 
troops, if you have sent any, to return to you, and the 
militia, to go home. 

'• I am, etc. 

"Benedict Arnold." 



" To General Gates. 

" German Flats, August 28th, 1777. 

" Dear General : — T reached Fort Stanwix on the 24th, 
too late after so fatiguing a march to pursue the enemy 
that evening. The next morning a detachment of five 
hundred followed them, but a heavy rain came on and 
obliged them to retire, except a small party who went as 
far as Oneida Lake arriving just in time to see the last of 
the enemy going off. There is nothing to be feared from 



ARNOLD BEFORE CONGRESS. 99 

the- enemy in this quarter. You may depend upon my 
joining you as soon as possible. 

"I am, etc., Benedict Arnold." 

He makes no allusion to the ruse and probably knew 
nothing of it, which confirms Sparks' statement concern- 
ing Colonel Brooks. But St. Leger's panic was doubtless 
more largely owing to the reverberation of Stark's guns 
from Bennington five days before. The spy took that 
news also, from the American into the British camp, 
which made the retreat a necessity. Thus victory again 
gave Arnold the slip, resolved never to fold her wings on 
his standards. The British Annual Eegister said, Ganse- 
voort and Willet "merited the praise even of an enemy." 
Washington declared, " it was Herkimer who first reversed 
the gloom of the Northern campaign." The hero of the 
Mohawk valley ssrved from love of country, not for re- 
ward. He did not want a continental command or money. 
He died soon after the battle and Congress decreed him a 
monument ; to Gansevoort they voted thanks and a com- 
mand; to "Willet an elegant sword.* — Is it not competent 
in this centennial recall of the fathers, that our histories 
and cyclopaedias should purge themselves of such errors, 
by divorcing the names of Fort Stanwix and Arnold, and 
identifying the real heroes with their brave deeds. 

The repulse at Fort Stanwix by Herkimer was the first 
great blow which fell upon Burgoyne. The second was 
more disastrous still; the overwhelming defeat at Ben- 
nington, the most brilliant field fight of the war, with 
the exception of Cowpens. Morgan and Stark were un- 
doubtedly the great field executives of the Eevolution. 

Lamed by Herkimer and Stark, with their brave fol- 
lowers, Burgoyne came halting to the battles of Saratoga, 
to meet his doom at the hands of Morgan and his riflemen, 
with the patriot yeomanry of New York and New England. 
* Bancroft, Vol. IX. 



XL— 1777-1780. 
HORATIO GATES. 

THE northern army lay encamped nine miles above 
Albany, near the mouth of the Mohawk. On the 
19th August, 1777, General Gates assumed command and 
General Schuyler retired. 

Who was this man Gates ? English by birth. All author- 
ities agree that his mother was housekeeper for the second 
Duke of Leeds. Irving says his father was a captain in the 
British army ; Sargent says he was a respectable victualler 
of Kensington. That whiff of unwholesome atmosphere 
put a virus into his blood that he never had the stamina 
to throw off, though transplanted into the mountain air 
of freedom that nourished Patrick Henry, Morgan, Jef- 
ferson, and Washington. He had accompanied Braddock 
upon his expedition to Fort Duquesne, and was wounded 
in the battle ; he returned to England, but, dissatisfied 
with his prospects of promotion, he sold his commission 
in the British army and emigrated to Virginia. 

Here he renewed his acquaintance with Washington. 
His military career, through the war of Revolution, was 
one of intrigue rather than of service. His exploits can 
be more than reckoned on the fingers of one hand. In 
fact, Saratoga and Camden include all that could be called 
active military service. 

Appointed Adjutant-General, with rank of Brigadier- 
General, he accompanied Washington to Cambridge in 
June 1775. He began at once to clamor for an indepen- 
dent command. He was appointed to Canada the next 



HOEATIO GATES. 101 

year ; but the expedition was dead, and he met the retreat- 
ing army at Crown Point, July 1776. 

The only military event that marks his administration 
there, was the building and afterwards the splintering and 
burning of the Lake fleet under Arnold. 

A few weeks after that, though entreated to co-operate 
with him, he left Washington in his dire extremity at the 
passage of the Delaware and hurried on to Congress, then 
sitting at Baltimore, to push his own fortunes. Again, 
in the spring of 1777, Washington entreated Gates to come 
to his aid, as he was doing nothing, — but vainly; he was 
still maneuvering for an independent command of the 
northern department. 

He succeeded, and jostled the old patriot Schuyler from 
his post. Schuyler appealed personally to Congress and 
was re-instated. But after the fall of Ticonderoga, July 5th, 
1777, Gates, with the New England influence, directed the 
odium of the disaster upon Schuyler, and Congress again 
superseded him. On August 19th, immediately following 
the important victories of Stanwix and Bennington, Gates 
took command of an army ably officered and largely out- 
numbering the British forces. 

Here he assumes the role of the conquering hero and 
crowns his own brows with stolen laurels. 

After the surrender of Burgoyne, Congress makes him 
President of the Board of War, thus virtually putting 
Washington — in eclipse at Valley Forge — at his mercy. 
Gates is now emboldened to the infamous work of the 
"cabal," which had some strong supporters in Congress. 
Great efforts were made by the conspirators to win over 
Patrick Henry, then Governor of Virginia, and Laurens, 
President of Congress. But their proposals were met 
with disdain — the people and the army stood loyally to 
the " chief" ; Congress had salt enough to save it, and the 
"cabal" returned to plague its inventors. 



102 IIOEATIO GATES. 

The same fate befell a projected expedition to Canada, 
proposed by Gates at this time, without consulting Wash- 
ington, and to the command of which he appointed La 
Payette, with a hope of drawing him away from his alle- 
giance to Washington. So unmitigated a failure resulted 
in Congress directing Gates to undertake nothing further 
without previously consulting the commander-in-chief, 
who stood now higher than ever in all estimations. La 
Fayette writes to his beloved friend in an exquisitely 
charming manner : 

" Flemington, February 9, 1778. 

" My Dear General : — I cannot let my guide go 
without taking this opportunity of writing to your Ex- 
cellency, though I had not yet public business to speak of. 
I go on very slowly, sometimes drenched by rain, some- 
times covered by snow, and not entertaining many hand- 
some thoughts about the projected incursion into Canada. 

If successes were to be had, it would surprise me in a 
most agreeable manner. Lake Champlain is too cold for 
producing the least bit of laurel, and if I am not starved, 
I shall be as proud as if I had gained three battles. 

"Mr. Duer had given to me a rendezvous at a tavern, 
but nobody was to be found there. I fancy he will be with 
Mr. Conway sooner than he told me. They will perhaps 
conquer Canada before my arrival, and I expect to meet 
them at the governor's house in Quebec. 

Could I believe, for one single instant, that this pompous 
command of a northern army will let your Excellency for- 
get a little your absent friend, I would send the project to 
the place itcomes from. It is a very melancholy idea for 
me that I cannot follow your fortunes as near your person 
as I could wish ; but my heart will take very sincerely its 
part of everything which can happen to you, and I am 
already thinking of the agreeable moment when I may 
come down to assure your Excellency of the most tender 
affection and highest respect." 



HORATIO GATES. 103 

Again, under date of March 25, 1778 : 

"Dear General: — I am very sensible of the goodness 
which tries to dissipate my fears about that ridiculous 
Canadian expedition. At the present time, we know 
which was the aim of the 'Honorable Board,' and for 
which project three or four men have rushed the country 
into a great expense, and risked the reputation of our 
arms and the life of many hundred men, had the general 
(your deceived friend), been as rash and foolish as they 
seem to have expected. 0, American freedom ! what 
shall become of you, if you are in such hands ? However, 
you know I have wrote to Congress, and as soon as their 
leave will come, I shall let Conway have the command of 
these few regiments, and I shall immediately join my 
respectable friend. My only desire is to join you, and the 
only favor I have asked of your commissioners in France 
has been, not to be under any orders but those of General 
Washington. 

" With the utmost respect and affection, 
" I have the honor to be, 

" La Fayette." * 

After this Grates occupied a post on the Hudson, but the 
tide of war did not reach it. In 1779, he obtained leave 
of absence and went home to Virginia to look after his 
private affairs. In June, 1780, he was ordered by Con- 
gress to take the command of the Southern department, 
then overrun by, and in possession of, the British. 

He went to Camden August 1780, and there, undertak- 
ing to fight his own battle, — Camden pricks the bubble of 
Saratoga, and he gets his quietus. 

* Sparks' Correspondence, Vol. II. 



XII— 1777. 

THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. 

"A century before Burgoyne's campaign, Frontenac, ablest of French colonial 
commanders, had proposed to move against the colony of New York by the same 
route followed by Burgoyne in 1777. France saw that upon that very theatre of 
war where Britain had wrested from her the control of this continent, her ancient 
enemy had been beaten by the new power which was springing up into existence. 
To the French government this victory had a significance that no like victory 
could have had upon other fields." 

LITTLE thought the brave spirits that marched out on 
_j that 19th of September, 1777, to arrest the ad- 
vance of Burgoyne's army, that that battle, with the final 
one so soon to follow, were to be remembered among the 
great, decisive battles of the ages : with Marathon, Metau- 
rus, Tours, Orleans, Liitzen, and Waterloo. "They builded 
better than they knew." It was the turning tide that was 
to lead on to victory, securing a vast continent dowered 
with every physical essential of a great nation ; immeasur- 
able areas of virgin soil, grand forests, matchless rivers 
and lakes, and countless harbors, vast coal fields and in- 
exhaustible mountain storehouses of metallic wealth, — a 
magnificent theatre for the fifth act of the great drama of 
the race. 

" Westward the course of empire takes its way ; 
The first four acts already past, 
A fifth shall close the drama with the day, — 
Time's noblest offspring is its last." 

Up out of this ponderous natural foundation was to rise 
a political fabric, resting on its stately pillars ot liberty 



THE BATTLE OE THE COLONELS. 105 

and law, which should environ and defend a social system 
recognizing the equal brotherhood of man, and, discard- 
ing hereditary privileges, secure absolute intellectual free- 
dom, and, in things spiritual, absolute tolerance of every- 
thing but intolerance. The world was to see, for the first 
time, a government attempted to be administered according 
to the tenets of the New Testament. 

The Declaration of Independence had fallen like a 
thunderbolt out of the clear heavens upon the rotten sys- 
tems of the old world — a word of final doom to them, but 
to the peoples a word of eternal hope. A nation " born 
in a day " was to illustrate it before the race. 

The old spirit stirred, and tyrants whispered : "If we 
let it thus alone all men will believe it, and what shall 
become of our place and nation " ? It was a stone of 
stumbling, a rock of offence — whosoever should fall upon 
it should be broken, and upon whomsoever it should fall, 
it would grind him to powder. 

One thing only lent it grace to the eyes of the European 
governments. The loss of her colonies would effectually 
cripple England, now grown so powerful and arrogant 
that all envied and hated her. And they looked on anx- 
iously watching for the outcome of her proud efforts to 
crush the young giant in its cradle. Especially did they 
watch the fate of this expedition of Burgoyne into the 
very heart of the colonies. France and Spain waited 
only for its discomfiture, to arm against England,- and 
thus secure the independence of the new transatlantic 
power. 

Had the shock of battle resulted only in checking 
Burgoyne's progress — had he safely effected his retreat 
to the Lakes, it would not have sufficed to assure Europe 
of the final triumph of American arms. The attempt 
would undoubtedly have been repeated; but the total 
defeat, rout, and capture of this splendid army, in fair and 
open field fight, after such fashion as compelled the ad- 



10G THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. 

miration of even their enemies, closed all controversy; 
they no longer hesitated to espouse the cause of a people 
who had proved themselves so strong in self-defence. 

The reverses of the British arms were as sudden as they 
were disastrous. But two months before, the English 
court and ministry were intoxicated with the brilliant 
successes of the expedition. Worst of all, they were them- 
selves intoxicated with their own achievements, and could 
not sufficiently express their contempt of their provincial 
foes. 

From Canada to Ticonderoga, had been a swift pro- 
cession of easy victories ; the Lakes and fortresses, keys of 
the North, were in their hands. 

They had reached the banks of the Hudson, not far 
from Albany, object so long desired ; they imagined 
that their toils were over, and anticipated* an easy and 
agreeable descent to New York. So confident were they, 
that the Baroness Eeidesel, Lady Acland, and other 
officers' wives, did not hesitate to accompany their hus- 
bands. The army was a picked one ; the finest military 
organizations of England and the continent had contrib- 
uted their ablest fighting material ; its equipment, from 
the best arsenals of ' Europe, left nothing to be desired. 
There was no question of the personal bravery of Bur- 
goyne — of this he had made proof in his late campaigns 
in Portugal — but judgment is an element as essential as 
courage, for high generalship, and this he lacked. 

His forces were half English and half German. The 
German officers Eeidesel, Breyman, Baum, Specht, and 
Gall had proved their skill and courage beyond cavil. He 
was most ably supported by his English officers, Sir John 
Dyke Acland, Sir Francis Clarke, the Earl Balcarras, 
Generals Phillips and Hamilton, Captains Williams and 
Jones of the artillery, and notably by General Frazer, at 
once the charm and inspiration of the British army. He 
it was who, on that fatal night assault of Montgomery 



THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. 107 

upon Quebec, going his midnight-rounds, had with his 
eagle eye perceived the fuses, the American signals of 
attack, and without waiting further orders, caused the 
drums to beat the garrison to arms ;* he who further on 
at Trois Rivieres, had defeated Thompson and confounded 
Sullivan ; foremost in the late attack upon Ticonderoga, 
he had afterward chased the retreating army of St. Clair, 
and with Eeidesel, harried and captured many, destroying 
baggage and arms. 

"He came now, at last, to meet his doom at the hands 
of " a foeman worthy of his steel," a foeman "thrice 
armed" because he had "his quarrel just." 

Frazer with Tarleton were the only British officers, 
throughout the whole war, who showed military genius. 
These two undoubtedly possessed it. Both were out- 
generalled and put to shame by Daniel Morgan. 

This man Frazer, the Highlander, fought under the 
spur of a powerful motive. A scion of the house of 
Lovatt, which had embraced the cause of the last Stuart 
Pretender, and whose fortunes went down with that 
dynasty on the field of Culloden 1745. This gifted and 
ambitious descendant entered the British army, and rose 
rapidly to distinction. He had obtained the rank of 
Brigadier General, and was specially selected to command 
a division of Bnrgoyne's army. He had also received 
assurance that the successful issue of the expedition would 
avail to revoke the attaint still cleaving to his house, and 
restore its honors and estates. True to the traditions of 
his ancestry, he girded on his sword and went forth to 
battle against the rights of humanity. 

But from out the forest of the New World came the 
fearless spirit appointed to arrest and end his brilliant 
career. No scion he, of an illustrious house. Though 
only a century ago, we know as little of his ancestry as of 
that of the prophet of Horeb, far off in the misty dawn. 
* Battel's Hist. American Revolution. 



108 THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. 

Enough ! he was son of God, who is able to raise up his 
children from the stones. 

It was meet that a representative of the new dispensa- 
tion of manhood should shiver the lance of this " belted 
knight" of man's making. Morgan was a splendid pre- 
sentiment of the new order of noblemen — of the "mill 
boys" and "rail splitters" of the young Eepublic. 

Burgoyne's forces by various estimates approximated 
eight thousand, — about four thousand British, three thou- 
sand Germans and a thousand Canadian loyalists and In- 
dians. He had left a thousand to garrison Ticonderoga — 
a too heavy drain ; his lack of judgment was now shown 
in sending off his heavy Brunswick mercenaries under 
Baum, to be surrounded and bayoneted by Stark's lightly 
equipped yeomanry, brimful of enthusiasm and patriotism, 
by which he suffered a loss of nearly two hundred killed 
and four hundred prisoners. Burgoyne's army decreased 
daily ; the American camp was reinforced daily. Bur- 
goyne's army was a splendid machine ; the American army 
was a living, breathing, burning soul, moving like Ezekiel's 
wheels, by the spirit of the living creature. 

From the beginning of the campaign early in May, 
until the middle of August, the British had met no adver- 
sary who had in the least intimidated them ; and even 
now, notwithstanding the rebuke of Herkimer and the 
disaster of Bennington, Burgoyne injudiciously ventured, 
September 13th, to cross the Hudson on a bridge of boats, 
with his splendid train of artillery, thus compromising 
his chances of retreat should it become necessary. He 
encamped on the heights of Saratoga on the banks of 
the Hudson, near where it receives the waters of the 
Mohawk. 

On the 8th of September Gates' army left their encamp- 
ment at " Sunset," and on the 12th occupied "Behmus 
Heights," which were at once strongly fortified, under the 
direction of Kosciusko. But a few miles now intervened 



THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. 109 

between the opposing armies. Washington, when he dis- 
patched Colonel Morgan to Gates' assistance, said: "A 
check given to the savages and keeping them within 
bounds, will prevent General Burgoyne from getting 
intelligence." It proved so. Morgan was kept far in 
advance of the army, watching the movements of the 
enemy, "with the liberty of attacking whenever he judged 
prudent." * 

His presence had inspired so wholesome a terror among 
the Canadians and Indians that they were deserting by 
hundreds, while the British regulars could not show 
themselves beyond their camp, without provoking a 
shower of rifle -balls. Burgoyne remained in painful 
ignorance throughout the remainder of his campaign of 
the numbers, position, and movements of the Americans, 
while his own were well understood by his enemy. 

The Baroness Eeidesel, in her interesting notes of this 
campaign, naively writes : " The Americans anticipate all 
our movements and expect us whenever we arrive ; this, of 
course, injures our affairs." 

On the morning of the 19th, Bnrgoyne put his army in 
motion in three columns, a half mile apart. The right 
led by Frazer, the centre by himself, and the left marched 
by the river road under Eeidesel. 

Morgan was ordered forward to develop their intentions. 
Two companies under Major Morris were sent ahead, and 
Morgan followed with the main body of his corps. He was 
always watchful of the rear, " to see that every man did 
his duty, and that cowards did not lag behind while brave 
men fought in front." Morris, a most spirited officer, 
however, pushed on too rapidly, and came suddenly upon 
a strong picket of the enemy, occupying a log-house ; 
he announced himself by a volley of rifle-balls, but the 
enemy replied from their covert with so brisk a fire that 
the Americans quickly fell back toward their main column, 
* Graham' s Life of Morgan, p. 142. 



110 THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. 

leaving several killed and wounded, and even thought it 
necessary to disperse. Morgan's prudence equalled his cour- 
age ; he was never rash until the fulness of time, then noth- 
ing could exceed the fierceness and impetuosity of his as- 
sault. Coming up at this instant, he fully realized the grav- 
ity of the situation. "But to retreat or advance, to flee or 
pursue, to disperse or collect, were the tactics of this cele- 
brated corps." Morgan's signal was an instrument made 
from a turkey-bone for decoying wild turkey. In a few mo- 
ments the dispersed column gathered to their leader, and the 
whole regiment advanced upon a large body of the enemy. 
Morgan attacked with such vigor that the British fell back 
to an eminence fronting an open piece of ground called 
Freeman's Fields. The wrestle was for the possession of 
this cleared ground. Burgoyne's centre column being re- 
inforced, the struggle was fierce and bloody ; Frazer with 
his right wing now wheeled and dashed his column against 
Morgan, who was forced to give ground and take his corp3 
to the shelter of the woods. Gates, however, heari.ig 
of the extent of the action, had dispatched the regiments 
of Colonels Scammell and Cillcy. They took the left 
of the rifle corps, and finding himself secure on the right 
by impenetrable thickets and a marshy ravine, Morgan 
again advanced and reneAved the action with redoubled fury. 

The iron hail of six hundred marksmen forced back 
both columns of the British army, leaving the ground 
covered with dead and wounded, and their artillery. This, 
however, the Americans could neither bring off, by reason 
of the nature of the ground, nor turn against the enemy, 
because they had taken away the lintstocks. The British 
quickly rallied and came down again. By this time Gates 
had reinforced Morgan with five additional regiments, who 
were now opposed to the combined forces of Frazer and 
Burgoyne. 

The Americans numbered two thousand five hundred ; 
the British about three thousand, with artillery, of Avhich 



THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. Ill 

the Americans had none. The battle raged along the 
whole line for more than an hour ; but the hottest was at 
the American right, where Morgan opposed Frazer. Again 
and again he had driven the British back upon the emi- 
nence beyond the clearing. Their cannon were become 
almost useless, for their artillerists had all been picked off. 
Morgan now made the most desperate effort to charge 
up the eminence, drive them over the hill, and turn their 
left flank. But here Greek met Greek, and Morgan was 
sensible of a point de resistance which he could not over- 
come. So they swayed back and forward, alternately giv- 
ing and taking, and the British, amid the heaps of their 
dead and wounded, at last began to show signs of yielding, 
when Beidesel, pushing through the woods, brought his 
column to the timely rescue of his general, and saved the 
army from a rout. Frazer and Breyman were now eager 
for a bayonet charge with their fresh troops, which would 
have inevitably turned the fortunes of the day ; but Bur- 
goyne ordered a retreat. His officers were chagrined, and 
Frazer and Beidesel told him plainly that he did not 
know how to avail himself of his advantages. 

General Learned, with his brigade, at sunset came uj)on 
the field ; but the fire had slackened and the battle was 
done. The Americans returned to their camp, taking 
their wounded and one hundred prisoners. The British 
bivouacked on the battle-field, and claimed the victory — a 
claim which could scarcely be sustained. The American 
loss was slightly over three hundred killed and wounded, 
while that of the British exceeded six hundred, besides a 
heavy desertion of Canadians and Indians after the battle. 

Also it was the purpose and necessity of the British to 
advance, and the object of the Americans to prevent their 
advance. This was fully accomplished. Furthermore, 
both Frazer and Beidesel, officers of great judgment as well 
as bravery, now counseled Burgoyne to a speedy retreat 
across the Hudson. They knew that another such victory 



112 THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. 

would be their ruin, and had no wish for a second tilt 
with these American colonels. 

The day after the battle, one of the rifle corps brought 
down an Indian, and found in his shot-pouch a letter from 
Burgoyne to General Powell. 

" Camp near Stillwater, September 20, 1777. 
"Dear Sir : — I take the first opportunity to inform you 
that we have had a very smart and honorable action, aud' 
are now encamped in front of the field, which must de- 
monstrate our victory beyond the power of an American 
news-writer to explain away. The loss on each side cannot 
be particularly ascertained. 

" Your obedient servant, J. Bukgoyne." 

General Gates dispatched the following to Hon. J. Han- 
cock, President of Congress : 

" Behmis Heights, September 22, 1777. 

"Friday I was informed by my reconnoitering parties 
that the enemy were moving toward our left. I immediately 
detached Colonel Morgan's corps, consisting of the rifle 
regiment and the light infantry of the army, to observe 
their direction and harass their advance. This party, at 
half-past twelve, fell in with a picket of the enemy, which 
they immediately drove ; bnt the enemy being reinforced, 
after a brisk conflict, they were in turn obliged to retire. 

" This skirmish drew the main hocly of the enemy, and 
a brigade from my left, to support the action which, after 
a short cessation, was renewed with great warmth and 
violence. At this time, hearing from prisoners that the 
whole British force and a division of foreigners had en- 
gaged our party, I reinforced with four more regiments. 
This continued the action till the close of the day, when 
both armies retired from the field. 

"Enclosed is a return of our loss, and I am well assured, 



THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. 113 

by the concurrent testimony of prisoners and deserters of 
various characters, that General Burgoyne, who com- 
manded in person, received a wound in his left shoulder ; 
that the sixty-second regiment was cut to pieces, and 
that the enemy suffered severely in every quarter where 
they were engaged. The general good behavior of the 
troops, on this important occasion, cannot be surpassed by 
the most veteran army : to discriminate in praise of the 
officers would be injustice, as they all deserved the honor 
and applause of Congress. Lieutenant-Colonel Colburn 
and Lieutenant-Colonel Adams, with the rest of the un- 
fortunate brave who fell in their country's cause, leave a 
lasting memorial to their glory. The armies remain en- 
camped within two miles of each other."* 

Very adroitly put, certainly. Only the harmless dead 
men have mention ; not a word for the living Morgan, 
whom, a few days after, he excuses himself from sending 
back to Washington, with the plea, " in this situation 
your Excellency would not wish me to part with the corps 
the army of General Burgoyne is most afraid of." 



"Morgan's corps bore the brunt of the day's perils, and 
should reap the greater share of its glories. The sixty- 
second regiment of Hamilton's brigade, against which 
his regiment contended, lost nearly two hundred men, and 
of the forty-eight who composed the artillery corps, and 
were likewise arrayed against him, but twelve left the field 
uninjured. During one of the most obstinately contested 
actions of the war, in which nearly seven thousand men 
were engaged, not a single officer, above the rank of a 
colonel, appeared upon the field until night began to close 
upon the combatants, when General Learned arrived. 
Arnold never appeared upon the ground. General Wil- 

* Copied from Graham's Life of Morgan, p. 152. 



114 THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. 

kinson states that he was expressly forbidden by Gates to 
visit the field or direct operations. The credit of this 
glorious action, so generally accorded either to Arnold or 
Gates, properly belongs to neither. It should go to enrich 
the memory of those gallant men who, unassisted by the 
directing hand of either of their commanders, fought the 
battle and won the day. Historic truth requires this ex- 
planation, and public justice will give the laurels to those 
who won them. 

" Among this glorious band of heroes, it is no injustice 
to assert that Morgan was pre-eminently distinguished. 
His regiment was first in the field and last out of it. 
Where it was engaged, the strife was more deadly than in 
any other position. Its loss was greater, in proportion to 
its numbers, than that of any other regiment, while the 
number of the enemy which fell by its hands, was nearly 
one-half of that admitted by Burgoyne to have fallen in 
the battle. Though Morgan was denied the merited men- 
tion in Gates' communication to Congress, justice claims 
for him the foremost position among those who shared the 
glories of that day. Posterity will freely accord him this, 
and hail him, as did his friends and neighbors on his re- 
turn home a few months after, as 'the hero of Saratoga.' 

" The news of this victory was received with great 
demonstrations of joy throughout the country, and Gates 
and Arnold reaped a rich harvest of undeserved honors 
and applause." * 

Bancroft says : " On the British side, three major-gen- 
erals came on the field; on the American side, not one, nor 
a brigadier, until near its close. Praise justly fell upon 
Morgan of Virginia and Scammel of New Hampshire ; 
none offered their lives more freely than the Continental 
regiment of Cilley and the Connecticut militia of Cook 
The American loss, including the wounded and missing, 
was less than three hundred and twenty. This battle 
* Graham's Life of Morgan, p. 151. 



THE BATTLE OE THE COLONELS. 115 

crippled the British force irretrievably. Their loss exceeded 
six hundred. Of the sixty-second regiment (handled by 
Morgan's corps), which left Canada five hundred strong, 
there remained less than sixty men and four or five officers. 
A rifle-shot meant for Burgoyne struck an officer at his 
side."* 

Sparks, in his Life of Arnold, says : " That officer was nei- 
ther ordered out, nor permitted to go out, to take any part 
in the action." Hildreth makes no mention of him in the 
first battle, and Arnold's own letters confirm his absence. 

Yet the error moves on, and to this day Gates and 
Arnold wear their unearned honors. 

One is pained to find that in that very handsome contri- 
bution to recent historic literature, " Fifteen Decisive 
Battles of the World," so eminent an English scholar as 
Professor Creasy, falls into the same error by following the 
Italian historian " Botta," whose history, though in many 
respects a very noble statement of our Eevolutionary 
period, was yet written too near the date of the events 
described. The smoke of the battle-field had not suffi- 
ciently cleared away to disclose the true role of the actors. 
To give the glory of this battle to Gates or Arnold, would 
not be a greater error than to ascribe the honor of Metau- 
rus to Livius rather than to Nero. 

More mournful still it is to read in the centennial year 
of grace 1877, in one of our foremost monthlies, in an 
article dedicated to the memory of this most important 
military event : " By four o'clock, the action had become 
general ; Arnold, with nine continental regiments and 
Morgan's corps, had completely engaged the whole force 
of Burgoyne and Frazer ;" and most mournful of all, to 
find that the orators of the late centennial celebration 
(1877) on the battle-field — we believe without exception — 
make Arnold the "hero of Saratoga." 

Arnold was absent by express command of Gates, who 
* Vol. IX, p. 413. 



116 THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. 

wanted no rivals. He had realized his long ambition of 
independent command ; but it was to be only a stepping- 
stone to a higher place. The conspiracy against Washing- 
ton was maturing in his mind. He meant to jostle him 
from his post as he had done Schuyler. A year ago, we 
saw him baffling justice to shield Arnold, of whose service 
he then stood in need ; but now having Morgan, to whose 
skill he safely confided his reputation, he had no need cf 
Arnold, and obviously wished to keep him in eclipse. 
Arnold was at this time Gates' equal in military rank, and 
had won a reputation far more brilliant. Both were 
thoroughly selfish and alike intent upon pushing each his 
own fortunes. They were equally wanting in magnan- 
imity. Arnold had more will, energy and impetus ; a 
more incredible audacity, and was utterly without scruple 
or conscience. His chief hope being the patronage of 
Washington, Gates knew he had no prospect of drawing 
him from his allegiance to the commander-in-chief. Nei- 
ther did Gates share in the general enthusiasm concerning 
Arnold's military ability. Wilkinson, Gates' aid-de-camp, 
says, he forbade him to go upon the field " lest he should 
do some rash thing." Had he needed him, he would 
doubtless have made use of him. 

We do not forget that upon the arrival of Morgan's 
corps at headquarters, Gates had reinforced it with a 
battalion of light infantry, designated it as the advance of 
the army, and directed that it should receive orders only 
from himself. After the action of the 19th, the returns 
were accordingly made directly to Gates. Arnold was in- 
censed, and still more at finding that the report to Con- 
gress left his name and that of his division unmentioned, 
stating only that the battle had been fought by detach- 
ments from the army. " Had my division behaved ill," 
said he, "the other division of the army would have 
thought it extremely hard to have been amenable for their 
conduct." 



THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS. 117 

Eesolved to appropriate the prestige of Morgan's corps 
to himself, Arnold continued to issue orders for their 
movements, which drew from Gates the following general 
order : 

" Colonel Morgan's corps, not being attached to any 
brigade or division of the army, he is to make returns and 
reports to headquarters only, from whence alone he is to 
receive orders." 

A high altercation now arose between the two generals, 
during which Gates informed Arnold " that he thought 
him of little consequence in the army, and that when 
General Lincoln arrived he should give to him the com- 
mand of a division." 

A correspondence followed, hot and wrathful on Arnold's 
part, arrogant and unyielding on the part of Gates. Ar- 
nold demanded a pass for himself and suite to the com- 
mander-in-chief. Gates promptly gave it. 

Arnold found he did not want it. He feared the odium 
which would fall upon him for retiring from service at this 
critical juncture, when another battle was in hourly ex- 
pectation. He therefore remained in camp without com- 
mand and without employment. Lincoln arriving at this 
time, Gates gave him the right wing, and himself assumed 
charge of the left. Morgan and the rifle regiment were his 
special property. 

All the better for this falling out of the rogues went 
matters in the American camp. The country had inter- 
preted the battle of the 19th as a great victory. The 
militia of New York and New England reinforced the 
camp daily. Gates' numbers now nearly doubled those of 
Burgoyne. Hope and confidence inspired every heart. 

They smelled the battle and scented the victory ; they 
stood "like greyhounds in the slips, straining upon the 
start." 



XIII— 1111. 
THE SURRENDER. 

" His death (whose spirit lent a fire 
Even to the dullest peasant in his camp), 
Being bruited once, took fire and heat away 
From the best-tempered courage in his troops ; 
For from his metal was his party steeled." 

Henry rV". 

IN the British camp the hearts of the keepers trembled, 
brave men though they were. Burgoyue had aban- 
doned all intention of a further advance until intelligence 
could be received from Clinton below. He proceeded to 
intrench on the field of the late battle, throwing up strong 
works to the right, which he called the "Great Redoubt"; 
it was a final stronghold and was placed under Frazer's 
command. He extended his intrenchments leftward to 
the river bank ; here the Germans were posted and Bur- 
goyne's headquarters were between and in the rear. A 
deep ditch ran along the entire front for nine hundred 
paces. 

So vigilant were the American marksmen that the 
British remained close prisoners within their camp and in 
profound ignorance of our affairs. The journal of one 
of their officers says: "We could hear his morning and 
evening guns, his drums and other noises of his camp, 
yet we knew not where he stood, how he was posted, much 
less how strong he was ; a rare case in such a situation." 

On the night of September 23d, British ears were 
startled with such shouts of exultation that they supposed 
the Americans were celebrating some hohdav. A few 



THE SUIUIESTDET}. 119 

days after a released prisoner carried to them the news of 
the gallant exploits of Colonel Brown at Ticonderoga ; 
and Burgoyne was chagrined to find himself " indebted to 
his enemy in front, for the news of disasters at his own 
posts in his rear." 

It was the same Colonel Brown who had so promptly 
met Arnold's unhandsome charges against him, and after- 
wards published a full account of that officer's misde- 
meanors in Canada. He wrote thus to Gates : 

"Lake George, September 18th, 1777. 

'•'•Dear General: — With great fatigue after marching 
all last night, I arrived at this place at break of day and 
immediately began the attack, and in a few minutes 
carried the place. 

"I find myself in possession of two hundred and ninety- 
three prisoners exclusive of one hundred of ours released. 
I have taken one hundred and fifty bateaux above the 
falls, fifty in Lake Champlain, several large gun-boats, an 
armed sloop, and a few cannon." * * * * 

This reverse was keenly felt in the British army, where 
affairs grew daily more distressing and depressing. Their 
horses were starving, the soldiers' rations had been re- 
duced to a minimum, and they were heavily encumbered 
with their sick and wounded. — The only ray of hope came 
from the lower Hudson. A messenger from Clinton had 
made his way with great difficulty into the camp, inform- 
ing Burgoyne that he was about to attack the forts and 
defences of the river. Burgoyne dispatched the messenger 
back bearing earnest entreaties for Clinton's speedy co- 
operation, stating that he could hold out until October 
10th, but after that, hunger would compel him to retreat 
to Lake Champlain. 

On the 5th of October Burgoyne called a council of war. 



120 THE SURRENDER. 

Frazer and Eeidesel urged a speedy retreat to their old 
position on the east bank of the Hudson. 

Bat Burgoyne' s pride would not be advised. The boast 
had been too often on his lips " Britons never retreat." 

He recalled, also, that Germain had censured Carle ton 
because he would "hazard nothing." Be-reading his in- 
structions in which his orders were peremptory, and tak- 
ing counsel only with himself, he resolved once more to 
try the fate of battle. In fact it had become a choice of 
evils, to either advance or retreat. 

It was now the 7th of October. Burgoyne strained his 
ear towards the river, but caught no sound from Clinton's 
army. This General had on October 6th, the day before 
the battle, captured the forts, and passed the defences of 
the river, and a detachment of his army did actually 
approach within forty miles of Albany. Fortunately, each 
remained in ignorance of the other's movements. 

Burgoyne delayed the attack until three o'clock, so that 
in case of disaster, night at least would come to their 
relief. The plan of battle was much as before ; they 
advanced in three columns. Frazer with the infantry 
under Balcarras on the right, the Germans in the centre, 
and Acland's grenadiers on the left, with artillery posted 
at intervals along the whole line. 

The rifle corps discovered the movement and it was im- 
mediately communicated to Gates, who dispatched Wil- 
kinson to "order on Morgan to begin the game," by 
pushing forward his corps in front. But Morgan judged 
otherwise. Knowing the lay of the land to its minutest 
features, and having informed himself of the disposition 
of the enemy's forces, he submitted his own plan of 
attack, which Gates immediately accepted. 

General Lincoln was to watch the right of the American 
lines, cover the camp, and take care of the commander. 
General Poor's brigade was directed to advance and simul- 
taneously attack the centre and left wing ; Morgan re- 



THE SURRENDER. 121 

served for himself the British right wing under Frazer 
and Balcarras. It rested on a fence, and beyond on the 
right rose abruptly a thickly wooded hill. Morgan's regi- 
ment made a swift and silent push up through these 
woods ; — gaining the hill top, he was confirmed in his 
judgment, and felt assured of a speedy victory. He 
quickly put his troops in position. Dearborn's infantry 
were ordered to incline to the front, the riflemen to the 
flank and rear. 

The first fire from Poor's brigade upon the British left 
was the appointed signal ; Morgan swept down from the 
hill like a tornado; the crack of six hundred rifles sent 
their messengers of death into rank and file, strewing the 
ground with the dead and wounded. For a moment the 
column staggered, but recovered. Morgan now ordered 
Dearborn to fire and charge with the bayonet while the 
rifles reloaded. They charged grandly. In another mo- 
ment the rifles poured in again, on flanks and rear. The 
British broke and fled. It was the work of a few minutes. 
Frazer who had been held in reserve, seeing the mischief, 
advanced with his infantry to the rescue. " He met the 
whole wing flying in disorder, fiercely pursued by Morgan 
and his men." He threw himself between the flying 
column and their pursuers and covered their retreat to the 
rear, where they rallied. Having pushed back the British 
right, the tide of battle now rolled toward the centre, and 
the whole American force was turned upon it. Seeing 
the danger, Burgoyne ordered Frazer to the rescue at that 
point. 

Morgan had observed this officer closely. It was he 
against whom, in the battle of the 19th, he had so des- 
perately pushed, and who had so desperately pushed back 
upon him. He was the invincible* He had watched him 
on this day, a noble-looking officer, mounted upon a 

* This account of Frazer's death is mainly from Graham's Life of 
Morgan. 

6 



122 THE SURRENDER. 

splendid black charger dashing from one end of the line 
to the other, wherever the danger was greatest, and by 
his courage and activity restoring and rallying the waver- 
ing columns. 

While he lived, Morgan considered the issue of the con- 
test doubtful ; he therefore sternly resolved to seek for 
victory in his death. He selected twelve of his most un- 
erring marksmen, led them to a favorable position, pointed 
out the doomed man, and bid them, when he next came 
within range, to fire. The only remark that fell from 
Morgan, beyond these directions, was: "He is a brave 
man, but he must die." How often had he thrown him- 
self across the track of a righteous cause ? It was enough 
— its triumphant wheels must this day roll on over his 
mangled body. 

Morgan told afterwards how attentively and anxiously 
he observed his marksmen when, in a feAV minutes, he saw 
them raise their rifles and aim. A ball cut through his 
horse's mane and another through the crupper. His aid 
implored Frazer to change his position. "My duty for- 
bids me to fly from danger." In another moment a rifle- 
ball tore through his body, and he fell mortally wounded. 

With Frazer's fall, fell all ; there was no longer a pre- 
tence of resisting ; dismay seized all hearts. The Amer- 
icans at this moment, reinforced by fresh regiments, 
charged furiously along the whole line. 

Burgoyne ordered a retreat to the " Great Kedoubt," in 
imminent peril of not safely effecting even this ; leaving all 
his cannon, four hundred killed and wounded, including 
the flower of his officers — Frazer, Acland, Williams, Sir 
Francis Clarke and others. 

But the victorious army were at their heels. Morgan 
pursued the defeated right division, under Balcarrus, into 
their intrenchments ; but, checked by a furious discharge 
of cannon, he sheltered his corps in a piece of woods at 
hand, and continued his murderous fire upon their artil- 



THE SURRENDER. 12o 

lerists. The field battle won, the Americans now stormed 
the British works. For an hour the firing and fierce 
assaults continued. At length the ardor of the rifle-corps, 
no longer brooking restraint, dashed into the intrenchments 
of Balcarras within the " Great Eedoubt." A hand-to- 
hand struggle here took place. The British light infantry 
were on the point of giving way, when they were strongly 
reinforced and threatened a bayonet charge. Morgan, in 
his moments of highest battle exaltation, never lost his 
presence of mind or his prudence. He ordered a retreat. 
Meantime the reinforcements drawn off to strengthen the 
right against Morgan, had weakened the British centre ; 
here Colonel Brooks broke through the German lines, 
and at this crisis, General Learned coming up, they put 
the whole division to rout : they fled, leaving their killed, 
wounded, tents, baggage and artillery, with the dead body 
of their brave General Breyman. 

Burgoyne ordered the position to be retaken ; but night 
was coming on, or they had no heart to attempt it, and 
Colonel Brooks and General Learned established them- 
selves within the enemy's works. This Colonel Brooks 
was .he who had sent the spy into St. Leger's camp at 
Stanwix. He was afterwards Governor of Massachusetts. 

Up to this time, the English at home had never been 
brought to admit the fighting qualities of the Americans. 
This illusion was now to be dispelled. If these battles of 
Saratoga were the work of American colonels and patriot 
yeomanry (and who can disprove it?) they were on the 
British side pre-eminently the battles of great generals — 
their bravest and best. There is, probably, no other in- 
stance of such splendid leadership in proportion to the num- 
ber of its rank and file. General Burgoyne, on his return to 
England, opened their eyes, in his " Record of the Evidence 
before the House of Commons," on his " Campaign and 
Surrender." Referring to Morgan's rifle-corps driving 
indeed British infantry from the field and afterwards 



124 THE SURRENDER. 

storming tlie "Great Redoubt," he observes: "If there 
be any person who, after considering that circumstance, 
and the subsequent obstinacy in the attack on the post of 
Lord Balcarras, with various other actions of the day, 
continues to doubt that the Americans possess the quality 
and faculty of fighting, they are of a prejudice that it 
would be very absurd longer to contend with." 

On Burgoyne's introduction to Morgan after the capitu- 
lation, he took him warmly by the hand and said : " Sir, 
you command the finest regiment in the world." * 



Night closed on the battered, beaten, out-generaled, 
discomfited British army. The American camp rang with 
shouts of exultation ; the people crowded in from miles 
around as the news of victory spread. 

Morgan coming, grimed with the dust and sweat of 
battle, to headquarters, was met by Gates, who embraced 
him, exclaiming : " Morgan, you have done wonders this 
day ; you have immortalized yourself and honored your 
country — if you are not promoted immediately, I will not 
serve another day." Morgan merely replied: "For 
Heaven's sake, General, forbear this stuff, and give me 
something to eat and drink, for I am ready to die with 
hunger and exhaustion." f Morgan was a man ci mar- 
vellous penetration, and had doubtless taken the General's 
measure. 

Gates had not appeared on the field. Wilkinson says 
he remained at his quarters, conversing with Sir Francis 
Clarke, who was brought in, early in the action, mortally 
wounded, and laid upon Gates' bed. 

Where was Arnold ? Sparks says that after the quarrel, 
he had remained with the army, Avithout authority or 
command, and without communication with Gates. 
* Graham's Life of Morg in. f Dr. Hill's Manuscript. 



THE SUEBEJSTDEE. 125 

When the second battle commenced, Arnold, still for- 
bidden to take part, became infuriated. " He continued 
in camp some time, but at length rode off, in full gallop, to 
the field without permission. This being told to Gates, 
he sent Major Armstrong after him with orders to return." * 

As soon as Arnold saw Armstrong, anticipating the 
purport of his message, he put spurs to his horse. Arm- 
strong pursued, following the erratic movements of Arnold, 
without being able to get near enough to speak to him. 
He moved incessantly on the field, giving orders in every 
direction, and sometimes in direct opposition to those of 
the officers." "He behaved," says Samuel Woodruff, a 
sergeant in the battle, " more like a madman than a dis- 
creet officer." It was the opinion of many that he was 
intoxicated ; some thought with brandy, some with opium, 
— more likely with pride, rage and desperation. He had 
lost all command of himself ; was scarcely conscious of, or 
responsible for, his actions, and certainly in no condition 
to give orders to others. 

But a word concerning the duration of the battle. It 
began about three o'clock. Bancroft says : " Just twenty 
minutes after the beginning of the attack, the British 
lines wavered and broke, and Bnrgoyne gave the order to 
retreat." The "Baroness Eeidesel, in her quarters, far to 
the rear, says : " About four o'ciock they brought in to 
me poor General Frazer, mortally wounded." Even ex- 
tending the time of the field-fight to a half -hour or longer, 
what had Arnold to do with it ? He did not leave the 
American camp for " some time after the battle com- 
menced." f Indeed, no authority makes mention of him 
until the attack upon the British intrenchments. Then 
Major Armstrong pursued him "for half an hour," Arnold 
dashing hither and thither, without aim or object, except 
to evade his pursuer and his message — everywhere, and 
nowhere to any useful purpose. He dashed in after Morgan 
* Sparks. \ Sparks. 



12G THE SURRENDER. 

into Balcarras' works and out again ; then into the 
German lines after Colonel Brooks, and the last volley 
of the retreating Brunswickers shattered his leg and 
killed his horse. Major Armstrong only then overtook 
him, and succeeded in delivering Gates' order for him to 
return to camp. But his fame was secure ! ! ! " His 
madness resulted most fortunately for himself. The 
wound he received at the moment of rushing into the 
very arms of danger and death, added fresh lustre to. his 
military glory, and was a new claim to public favor and 
applause."* 

His only well -authenticated field performance, was 
striking an American officer on, the head with his sword ; 
"the next day, when the officer demanded redress, Ar- 
nold declared his ignorance of the act and expressed 
regret." 

In the face of these admitted facts, can any one main- 
tain that this man was capable of issuing an intelligent 
military-order? .Wilkinson, who was on the battle-field, 
and whose attention was specially directed to Arnold's 
movements, says : " It is certain that he neither rendered 
service nor deserved credit on that day ; and the wound he 
received alone saved him from being overshadowed by Gates' 
popularity. On such caprices of fortune does the bubble 
of military reputation depend." The exulting cry of the 
victors had reached his ears, and maddened him ; he de- 
termined to share with them the fruits of that victory, 
rushing in at the close of the action, and identifying him- 
self with the glories of the day. The very horse upon 
which he rode into the field, he stole. f 

* Spnrks. 

f The animal, a beautiful Spanish horse, the ])roperty of Colonel 
Lewis, was borrowed by Arnold on this occasion. A short time after 
the action, Colonel Lewis called on him and requested a certificate 
of the horse having been killed, that he might obtain the value of 
him, according to usage, from the public treasury. Arnold declined 



THE SUEEENDEE. 127 

But the conclusion of -the whole matter is, that both 
Gates and Arnold were only, and solely, accidental figure- 
heads in this important military crisis. It was certainly 
fortunate for the cause that Gates remained at head- 
quarters. Though not altogether wanting in military 
knowledge he was, from personal cowardice, nothing on 
the field ; and perhaps no one knew this better than him- 
self. The only movement ordered by him, two days after 
the battle, when Burgoyne was attempting a general 

giving the certificate, saying it would have an ill appearance for a 
Major-general to sign a certificate for a horse that had been shot 
under him in battle. Lewis said no more till Arnold was about to 
leave the camp, when he insisted on being allowed a proper compensa- 
tion for the loss of his horse. Arnold still assigned motives of 
delicacy for refusing a certificate, but told Lewis that he had a fine 
Narragansett mare in the public stables, which he would give him 
in the place of his horse, and immediately wrote an order to the 
keeper of the stables, directing him to deliver the mare to Colonel 
Lewis. Meantime Arnold left, and a few days after the order was 
presented. The keeper said there was no rnare belonging to Gen- 
eral Arnold, in the stables. There had been one of that description 
some time before, but she had been sold to another officer. It was 
subsequently ascertained that Arnold had sent in a certificate and 
had received pay from the government for the horse that had been 
shot. 

Again, at the close of the war, when on the point of sailing for 
England, Arnold borrowed two hundred dollars from Captain Camp- 
bell in the British service, for which he gave him an order on Cap- 
tain Lewis, saying that Lewis owed him for a mare purchased three 
years before. Captain Campbell being a friend of Colonel Lewis, 
and expecting to see him again, took the order as a safe equivalent 
and loaned the money to Arnold. When the news of peace arrived 
in New York, Colonel Campbell was, by permission of General 
Washington, dispatched by the British commander at New York by 
land, with the intelligence, to the Governor of Canada. On his way, 
he stopped to visit his friend Lewis in Albany, and presented 
Arnold's order. Their mutual surprise may be imagined, both 
being equal sufferers by this refinement of knavery.* Thus he ad- 
dressed himself with equal gusto to small, as to great villainies. 
* Sparks. 



128 THE SURRENDER. 

retreat, well-nigh resulted in disgrace and disaster to the 
American army. 

"The action was the battle of the husbandmen. So 
many of the rank and file were freeholders or freeholders' 
sons, that they gave character to the whole army. Next 
to the generous care of Washington in detaching to that 
army troops destined against Howe, victory was due to the 
enthusiasm of the soldiers. Their common zeal created a 
harmonious correspondence of movement and baffled the 
high officers and veterans opposed to them." * 

On this decisive day, men of New York, New England, 
and men of the valley of Virginia, led by the lion-hearted 
Morgan, fought together in a common cause. 



The British General might yet have saved the remnants 
of his army, by a rapid flight on the night following the 
battle ; but he contented himself with transferring his 
camp to the heights on his rear, and the dawning day 
revealed the misery and hopelessness of his situation. 
Delay was fatal to Burgoyne ; the Baroness Eeidesel says : 
" A retreat was spoken of, but there was not the least 
movement made toward it. We learned that General 
Burgoyne intended to fulfil the last wish of General 
Frazer, to have him buried at six o'clock in the even- 
ing at the place designated by him. This occasioned a 
delay to which part of the misfortunes of the army was 
owing." 

The death of Frazer, aside from the defeat, would have 
hung the British camp in gloom, so closely had he drawn 
all hearts to himself. " He questioned the surgeon eagerly 
as to his wound, and when he found that he must go from 
wife and children ; that fame and promotion and life were 

* Bancroft, Vol. IX. 



THE SURRENDER. 129 

gliding from before his eyes, he cried out in his agony : 
' Damned ambition.' " 

•"At sunset of the 8th, as his body, attended by the offi- 
cers and his family, was borne by soldiers of his corps to 
the Great Redoubt above the Hudson, where he had asked 
to be buried, the three Major Generals, and none beside, 
joined the train. Amidst the ceaseless booming of the 
American artillery, the order prescribed for the burial 
of the dead was strictly observed, in the twilight, over his 
grave. Never more shall he chase the red deer through 
the heather of Strath Errick, or guide the skiff across the 
fathomless lake of central Scotland, or muse over the ruin 
of the Stuarts on the moor of Drum-mossie, or dream of 
glory beside the crystal waters of the Ness. Death in 
itself is not terrible, but he came to America for selfish 
advancement, and though bravely true as a soldier, he 
died unconsoled." * 

As soon as the funeral services were over, the order for 
retreat was given, but through a night of pouring rain, 
it was all too slow. The continual rain of the next day 
compelled a halt, and by the 10th it was impossible to 
attempt the crossing of the Hudson. The Americans had 
taken position on the opposite side on the banks of the 
Batten Kill. Burgoyne ordered his army to reoccupy 
their former camp on the heights of Saratoga. 

The lay of the land resembled a vast amphitheatre with 
the British in the arena, and the Americans posted upon 
the rising elevations around. Burgoyne's fortified camp 
extended a half mile along the river, with his artillery on 
an elevated plateau. 

Morgan and his sharpshooters were posted on still higher 
ground in his rear, and to the west. Opposite, on the 
eastern bank of the Hudson, Fellowes with three thousand 
was intrenched. Gates with the main army occupied the 
height south of Fish Creek. Stark the invincible, with 
* Bancroft, Vol. IX. 



130 THE SURRENDER. 

two thousand men, held the river at Fort Edward. Be- 
tween him and Lake George the Americans had a strongly 
fortified camp, and the river on both sides was lined with 
bodies of militia, who flocked from all quarters, to bag the 
game. The condition of the British army was pitiable in 
the extreme. The soldiers were worn down by weeks of 
incessant toil, privation, sickness, and desperate fighting. 

Their losses included their highest officers and best 
fighting material. Deserted by their Canadian and Indian 
allies, their hospitals crowded with sick and wounded, 
their effective force was less than one half the number 
Burgoyne had brought from Canada. 

In the depths of a gloomy wilderness, they w r ere in- 
vested by a victorious army, more than twice their num- 
ber, who encircled them with a wall of steel ; an enemy 
who declined to fight, and who in their high intrench- 
ments defied attack. "The trap which Reidesel and 
Frazer had foreseen was sprung." 

"In this helpless condition, obliged to be constantly 
under arms while the enemy's cannon played on every 
part of their camp and their rifle-balls whistled through 
the lines, the troops of Burgoyne retained their firmness, 
and while sinking under a hard necessity they showed 
themselves worthy of a better fate." * 

On the 13th, starvation was imminent, and the officers 
in council urged Burgoyne to capitulate. On the 15th, 
the articles of capitulation were barely concluded, when 
a messenger brought to Burgoyne news of Clinton's suc- 
cess on the Hudson, and that part of his forces were 
within fifty miles of the camp. Too late — their faith was 
pledged. The Americans also had heard from below, and 
would have attacked immediately. 

On the 17th of October, the convention of Saratoga 
was carried into effect by which five thousand, seven 
hundred and ninety surrendered themselves prisoners, 
* Botta. 



THE SUBHEADER. 131 

with forty-two pieces of the best brass ordnance then 
known, forty-six hundred muskets, and a large amount 
of ammunition. 

Much has been said and written concerning the magnan- 
imity and delicacy shown by Gates to his vanquished foe ; 
the over-generous terms granted to Burgoyne, which gave 
infinite dissatisfaction to Congress and the country, and 
Which were finally disallowed ; his ordering his whole 
army out of sight while the British stacked their arms, at 
the command of their own officers ; also the spectacular 
arrangement for the surrender of Burgoyne's sword, etc., 
etc. 

On that day Gates dined and wined the officers, and 
many compliments and fair speeches were exchanged. 
Burgoyne finally proposed a toast to General Washington, 
which it must have irked Gates to swallow, who in turn 
drained a glass to King George. By pre-arrangement, as 
the British army filed past headquarters, the two generals 
stepped out in front of the tent, and, in sight of both 
armies, Burgoyne handed his sword to Gates, who imme- 
diately returned it. 

It was scarcely magnanimity, seeing that magnanimity 
is not a garment to be worn to-day and folded up as a 
vesture to-morrow ; that it is no respecter of persons, but 
is debtor to all mankind ; that it is a quality of the soul, 
which inheres ; the exquisite bloom and aroma of the 
character, that unconsciously and inevitably colors and 
perfumes every thought and deed of its possessor. 

It was more likely that unhandsome thing which we 
call toadyism, since it was only exercised towards the ene- 
mies of his country. At that very instant he had none 
for the noble spirits who had contributed so largely to 
secure his present exaltation. We have already seen how 
persistently he held back Washington's own forces, even 
after the surrender, when he no longer needed them. 

He forgot that the pompous message dispatched to 



132 THE SURRENDER. 

Congress, instead of to the commander-in-chief, was made 
possible only by the generosity of "Washington, in strip- 
ping himself of his best officers and men to reinforce the 
army of the Hudson, while he skilfully kept at bay nearly 
twice his own numbers on the Delaware. 

Who does not see that Gates, handicapped with Sulli- 
van and Greene, and Washington, supported by Stark 
and Morgan, with any approach to equality of forces, 
would have given a surrender at Philadelphia instead of 
Saratoga. We should have held the Delaware and lost the 
Hudson — a calamity which the commander-in-chief fore- 
saw and provided against. 

Gates' course towards Arnold, odious as he appears, was 
equally wanting in justice and generosity ; and from an 
extravagant appreciation and a fawning patronage of Mor- 
gan, he suddenly assumed towards him a haughty and 
disdainful demeanor. Notwithstanding the splendid ser- 
vice he had rendered, Morgan's name had only a passing 
notice in the early despatches, and was not even men- 
tioned in Gates' official account of the surrender, to which 
he had so largely contributed. 

This sudden fall from the General's favor was marked 
by the officers, as Gates had given Morgan the most 
unmistakable proofs of his confidence and esteem from 
the moment of his arrival in camp. Morgan kept silence, 
and the matter remained a mystery at the time, but was 
afterward satisfactorily explained. 

" Immediately after the surrender, Morgan visited Gates 
on business, when he was taken aside by the General and 
confidentially informed that the main army was extremely 
dissatisfied with the conduct of the war by the com- 
mander-in-chief, and that several of the best officers 
threatened to resign unless a change took place. Morgan 
perfectly comprehended the motives of Gates, although he 
did not then know of the correspondence he had been 
holding with Conway, and he sternly replied : ' I have one 



THE SURRENDER. 133 

favor to ask of you, sir, which, is, never to mention that 
detestable subject to me again, for under no other man 
than Washington, as commander-in-chief, would I ever 
serve.' A day or two after the foregoing interchange of 
views, General Gates gave a dinner to the principal officers 
of the British army, to which a number of American 
officers were also invited. Morgan was not among the 
number. Before the evening was over, the petty indignity 
recoiled upon its author. Morgan had occasion to see 
Gates upon official business. He was ushered into the 
dining-room, where they still sat at table. Having attended 
to the matter in hand, he was allowed to withdraw, with- 
out even the empty ceremony of an introduction. Struck 
by the commanding figure and noble mien of the colonel, 
they inquired his name, and on learning that it was Col- 
onel Morgan, tney left the table, and, following him, took 
him by the hand, made themselves known to him, frankly 
declaring at the same time that they had felt him severely 
in the field." * They had only a dining-room acquaintance 
with Gates. 

Salvos of cannon announced the glorious tidings of the 
surrender all over the country. Congress gave thanks to 
the army, the coveted full rank of major-general to Ar- 
nold, a medal of gold to Gates — to Morgan, nothing. 

And do we, in these holy centennial days, living in the 
rich fruitage of the noble planting of those mighty spirits, 
— do we still confirm the old injustice, and still consent to 
fraud and villainy, by raising statues and carving marbles 
to Gates and Arnold ? 

* Graham's Life of Morgan. Dr. Sill's MSS. 



XIV.— 1777-1779. 
HARD SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. 

MORGAN moved with all haste to join Washington 
at Whitemarsh, a strong position, in the vicinity 
of Philadelphia, which he reached November 18th, 1777. 

At that time a party were clamoring for the commander- 
in-chief to attack Howe, but, as he had less than eight 
thousand effective men and Howe was well intrenched 
with twice that number, he declined so rash a movement, 
notwithstanding the unhandsome innuendoes levelled at 
him. He strengthened his own position, and compelled 
Howe to the initiative. 

On the night of December 4th, that officer moved out 
from his lines with fourteen thousand men, and the next 
morning advanced to Chestnut Hill, about three miles 
from the right wing of the American army. 

The Pennsylvania militia were ordered forward to skir- 
mish with the enemy, but after a short engagement, 
they fled in disorder, leaving their commander, General 
Irvine, wounded and a prisoner. The British, during the 
night, changed their ground, and now menaced the Amer- 
ican left, advancing within a mile of their lines. Every 
appearance indicated a serious intention of battle, which 
Washington determined not to decline. On the morning 
of the 8th, Morgan was ordered to the front with his 
corps. General Gist and a body of Maryland militia were 
also thrown forward a short distance to the right. 

Morgan put his men in motion towards a very con- 
siderable body of the enemy. As soon as he heard the 



HAKD SEBVICE AND NO LAUKELS. 135 

firing in the direction of the Maryland militia, he gave 
the word, and his corps delivered a well-aimed dis- 
charge, and rushed forward with their usual impetu- 
osity. A second and third volley of halls, in rapid suc- 
cession, thinned out the British ranks ; they fired with- 
out effect, broke and fled in disorder. Morgan pursued 
the flying foe until they reached a body of British infan- 
try, who were moving to their support. They rallied and 
the contest was renewed with vigor. Nothing daunted 
by the presence of thrice their numbers, the riflemen 
sheltered themselves among the trees and continued to 
pour in upon the British an unceasing fire, every ball carry- 
ing its message of wounds or death. 

Unfortunately, General Gist had been compelled to 
give ground before his opponents, who now turned upon 
Morgan. Finding himself threatened upon flank and 
rear, he signalled a retreat ; they drew off in perfect 
order, nor did the British venture a step in pursuit, so 
heavy was their loss. 

The engagement, though short, had been exceedingly 
spirited, and, for the time and numbers engaged, the 
slaughter of the British was incredible. Their loss in 
this encounter with the rifle corps was not less than two 
hundred. 

Howe had now maneuvred for three days before Washr 
ington's army and lost during that time not less than three 
hundred and fifty in killed and wounded — the majority of 
them in a skirmish of less than an hour with the rifle 
corps. 

Such an admonition was not lost upon a commander 
like Howe. The next day he marched with his whole 
force back to Philadelphia, and did not again repeat the 
experiment. It was fortunate ; for Washington's army, 
pinched with hunger and nakedness, was hors-du combat. 

The rifle corps had suffered severely in the affair of 
Chestnut Hill, twenty-seven killed and wounded ; among 



136 HAED SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. 

tlicm the brave Major Morris, beloved by all. He died a 
few days after. Here we get a glimpse of that rare and 
beautiful spirit that brooded over our cause, our battle- 
fields and camps, like an angel of mercy, dropping the 
balm of sympathy where it was most sorely needed. 

The brave instinctively draw to the brave. Upon the 
arrival of Morgan's corps from the North, LaFayette 
had expressed the greatest interest in their movements, 
and had sought the friendship of its officers. Between 
Morgan and himself, this friendship ripened into an inti- 
macy that ceased only with life. 

LaFayette had commanded part of the corps in a little 
skirmish a day or two before the fight at Chestnut Hill, 
and, in his account to "Washington, was enthusiastic in 
their praise. 

They had attacked a picket-guard of three hundred and 
fifty Hessians, with their field-pieces, who, after a few 
minutes hard fighting, were compelled to fly. He wrote : 
"British reinforcements came twice to their aid, but very 
far from recovering their ground, they always retreated." 
The pursuit was pushed to their camp, with the loss, on 
the American side, of only one killed and six wounded. 
The marquis extolled the riflemen : " I never saw men 
so merry, so spirited, and so desirous to go on to the 
enemy, whatever force they might meet, as that small 
party in this little fight." 

For Major Morris the marquis entertained the most 
generous affection. The fact that his wife and children 
were left unprovided for, by his death, pained LaFayette 
deeply, and drew from him the following proposal, so 
exquisite in delicacy of feeling and expression : 

"Dear Sir:—I just now received your favor concerning 
our late friend Major Morris, and I need not repeat to 
you how much I am concerned in the interests of his 
family. I spoke the other day to his Excellency on the 



HARD SEEVICE AND NO LAURELS. 137 

subject, and I shall write to Congress a very particular 
letter, where you will be mentioned. 

" I intend to speak as in your name, and that of all 
your corps, and as being myself honored with their confi- 
dence. 

" It is my opinion that a decent estate might be given to 
the family, as a mark of gratefulness from their country, 
and that his son must be promoted as soon as possible. 

"But, my dear sir, you know how long Congress waive 
any matter whatsoever before a decision, and as Mrs. 
Morris may be in some want before that time, I am going 
to trouble you with a commission which I beg you will 
execute with the greatest secrecy. 

" If she wanted to borrow any sum of money, in expecting 
the arrangements of Congress, it would not become a 
stranger unknown to her, to offer himself for that purpose. 
But you could (as from yourself) tell her that you had 
friends who, being in the army, don't know what to do 
with their money ; and as they are not in the mercantile 
or husbandry way, would willingly let her have one or many 
thousands of dollars, which she might give again in three 
or four years. 

" One other way would be, to let her believe that you 
have got, or borrowed, the money from any town or body 
you will be pleased to mention ; or it would be needless to 
mention where it comes from. 

"In a word, my dear sir, if with the greatest secrecy 
and the most minute regard for that lady's delicacy, you 
may find a manner of being useful to her, I beg you 
would communicate to me immediately. I shall, as soon 
as possible, let you know the answer of Congress, when- 
ever an answer will be got, and in expecting the pleasure 
to hear from you, I have the honor to be, very sincerely, 
"Your most obedient servant, 

"Marquis Be Lafayette. 
"To Colonel Morgan, of the Rifle Corps." 



138 HARD SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. 

Persuaded that Howe had now abandoned all intention 
of battle, Washington conducted his tatterdemalion army 
into winter-quarters at Valley Forge ; a position secure 
from attack and favorable to such a disposition of the 
American forces as would best prevent the foraging of the 
British army. General Armstrong kept the old camp at 
AVhitemarsh ; General Smallwood took post at Wilming- 
ton ; Major Jameson with cavalry guarded the east, and 
Captain Lee the west side of the Schuylkill ; Morgan was 
in advance of these, on the w r est side of the river, charged 
to watch every movement of the enemy and detect their 
purpose. 

( Soon the vigilance of his American keepers made it 
necessary for Howe to detach a British brigade to steal a 
sheep ; the fleet of Admiral Howe was taxed to supply the 
army, and the witticism of Dr. Franklin was justified, 
" instead of the British taking Philadelphia, Philadelphia 
had taken them." 

Much of the service to which Morgan was now ap- 
pointed was of the severest character, invaluable to the 
cause but unattended with glory or remuneration ; never- 
theless, that unknown, unseen, unappreciated work which, 
faithfully performed, best strengthens the fibre of heroic 
souls. 

In advance, as usual, and so near the enemy's post, their 
vigilance was never to slumber nor sleep, — frosty night 
watches succeeded the labors of the day ; the cold was 
intense, yet oftentimes they dared not build fires ; with- 
out shelter and most scantily fed, they saved themselves 
from perishing only by keeping in constant motion. 

Here sets in a stretch of eighteen months of much such 
service. Even his Herculean physicme was beginning to 
succumb. Wherever skill, vigilance, penetration, judg- 
ment or daring was most wanted, thither went this 
Agamemnon, shepherd of the people. Not once was he 
surprised ; not once did he bring false intelligence. 



HAED SEEVICE AND NO LAUKELS. 139 

His services at the time of the evacuation of Philadel- 
phia in the summer of 1778 were invaluable — the following 
brief letters among many testify to it: 

" Head Quarters, Valley Forge, May 17, 1778. 
"Dear Sir: — His Excellency is much obliged to you 
for your information. There is little room to doubt of 
their intentions to evacuate the city. * * * * 
"I am, with much respect, 

" Your humble servant, 

"James McHenry." 
"Colonel Morgan, at Radnor." 

" Head Quarters, May 30, 1778. 
" Dear Sir : — Your letter concerning Sir Henry Clinton 
is received. His Excellency is highly pleased with your 
conduct upon this occasion, etc. * * * * 
"I am your obedient servant, 

"John Fitzgerald, A.D. C." 
" Colonel Morgan." 

Certain it is, that Morgan was rising to fame and honor 
with the army and with its ablest officers, though his 
name had not yet penetrated "the dull cold ear" of Con- 
gress. They did not know this great combination, that 
reminds us by turns of Hercules and Ajax and Agamem- 
non and old Bunyan's " Great Heart." History says that 
Belisarius had a voice, like that with which we know 
Morgan led on his men, when he stormed Quebec, and 
rushed into the "Great Redoubt" at Saratoga, and rode 
down Ban Tarleton on the field of Cowpens. 

There was one thing, however, which this heroic soul 
could not do, with all the power of that matchless voice. 
He couldn't How Ms own trumpet. No heroic soul ever 
did. Perhaps, like Washington, he thought posterity 
would blow it for him ; meantime he served a cause and 
not himself. That he felt the neglect is equally certain, 



140 HARD SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. 

and this, with other considerations, undoubtedly led to 
his retirement in June 1779. 

He remained long enough to see the fruit of his labors 
at Saratoga. The French king's ambassadors had been re- 
ceived by Congress, and the French king's armies and 
navies were in our waters, and had necessitated the evacu- 
ation of Philadelphia. Spain and Holland were likewise 
arrayed against England, and they were crossing swords 
in every quarter of the world, for it seemed that the birth- 
throes of the Young Republic were to shake the globe. 
The cause, Morgan thought, was now assured — it no longer 
needed him. He knew perfectly the value of the services 
he had performed, and he knew that others were wearing 
the laurels that rightfully belonged to him. He con- 
stantly saw his inferiors, either by their own importunities 
or those of their friends, or through favoritism or still less 
worthy motives, pass above him. 

Gates filled a huge space in public favor, and Arnold 
was at this moment installed in splendor in Philadelphia, 
the pampered pet of society and of the commander-in- 
chief— hatching "treasons, stratagems, and spoils." 

In this continued lack of recognition and acknowledg- 
ment, this great spirit at last realized that manhood was 
insulted in his person, and, to his eternal honor, he re- 
signed and went home. 

It was shortly before this that the Marquis de La 
Fayette, under whose orders Morgan's corps had so often 
served, was about to embark for France to offer his sword 
to his king, who had come to open rupture with England 
by the recognition of the independence of America. On 
the point of sailing he had been seized at Boston with a 
violent fever and barely escaped with his life. The follow- 
ing letter was in reply to one from Morgan : 

" Fishkill, November 28, 1778. 
" Dear Sir : — Your most kind and obliging letter arrived 



HAKD SEEVICE AND NO LAUKELS. 141 

safe into my hands, but I was then too ill for thinking of 
answering it. However, though it was at that time, out 
of my power to express anything, I did feel all the senti- 
ments of gratitude for the friendship and the good idea 
you are pleased to entertain of me. Both are extremely 
dear to my heart, and I do assure you my dear sir, that 
the true regard and esteem, and the sincere affection you 
have inspired to me, will last for ever. 

"The strength of youth and a good constitution, have 
brought me again to health and to the enjoyments of this 
world. Dying in a shameful bed, after having essayed 
some more honorable occasions in the field, would have 
been for me, the most cruel disappointment. 

"I am just setting out for France and hope to be there 
in a short time. My country is at war, and I think it 
my duty to go myself for offering my services to her. 
However, I am very far from leaving the American service, 
and I have merely a furlough from Congress. I am much 
inclined to think that the king will have no objection to 
my returning here ; so that I am almost convinced that 
I shall have the pleasure to see you next spring. 

" I most earnestly beg you to present my best compli- 
ments to the gentlemen officers in my division. I shall for 
all my life, feel pleased and proud, in the idea that I have 
had the honor to be entrusted with such a division. I 
anticipate the happiness of finding them next campaign, 
and I dare flatter myself that these gentlemen will not 
forget a friend and fellow soldier, who entertains for them 
all the sentiments of affection and esteem. 

"Farewell my dear sir ; don't forget your friend on the 
other side of the great water and believe me ever. 
" Your affectionate 

"La Fayette. 

" Colonel Moegan." 

It is worth while to inquire for the secret of the esprit 



14^ HARD SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. 

of this matchless rifle corps, whose fame had gone through 
the land and crossed the seas. Old Frederick the Great 
had observed their tactics with profoundest interest, and 
introduced into his own army bodies of sharpshooters. 

Coming to a close scrutiny of its soul and inspiration, — 
this great, massive, granite character, — we find it ex- 
quisitely veined with tenderness, delicacy, and sensi- 
bility. 

Morgan's capacity for commanding was " singular, rather 
than rare." His own conduct furnished the best example 
for the imitation of his men, and inspired them equally 
with the profoundest respect and the most affectionate 
regard. 

" In the government of his regiment the stern and 
severe system of the army was unknown. He appealed 
to the pride rather than to the fears of his men, and 
obtained from them a prompt performance of their 
duty. 

" He held himself accessible to them on all necessary 
occasions, and encouraged them to come to him whenever 
they had just cause of complaint. He knew what every 
soldier was entitled to, and would never suffer them to be 
wronged or imposed upon. He took great pains to have 
them provided at all times with a sufficiency of provisions, 
clothing and everything necessary to their comfort. The 
wounded and sick experienced his constant care and atten- 
tion. Thus officers and men came to regard themselves 
as a band of brothers, among whom none of the austerities 
of strict discipline were observed. The affection of his 
men for Morgan is shown in the fact, that almost every 
one who marched with him through the wilderness to 
Quebec and survived its disasters, was found afterwards 
in the ranks of his regiment. 

" He never permitted any of them to be brought before a 
court-martial, or to be punished by whipping. [That 
sword had once entered his own soul.] When one of 



HAED SEEVICE AND NO LAUEELS. 143 

them was charged with an offence which called for punish- 
ment, the accused, if guilty, was taken by Morgan to 
some secluded place, where no one could witness what 
might occur, and there, after a lecture on the impropriety 
of his conduct, would receive a thumping, more or less 
severe, according to the nature of his offence. 

"It once happened, when Morgan was away from his 
camp, that one of his favorite riflemen, who had commit- 
ted some misdemeanor, was brought before a court-mar- 
tial, condemned and whipped in the face of the whole 
regiment. When Morgan returned, and was informed of 
what had happened, he was so moved that he wept. He 
declared that he would not have had the offended whipped 
upon any consideration whatever ; that he was a high- 
spirited and efficient soldier, respected at home, and now 
he must be so lowered in his own esteem as to be unable 
ever to recover his former self-respect and pride of man- 
hood. 

"Another instance of his manner of governing. On one 
occasion, a rough piece of road was to be repaired ; a 
party of his men were accordingly sent, under an ensign, 
to execute the work. While thus engaged, Morgan rode 
up and saw two of them heaving at a large rock, the re- 
moval of which was evidently beyond their strength. The 
ensign stood and looked on but offered no assistance. 
' Why don't you lay hold and help those men ? ' inquired 
Morgan of the ensign. ' Sir,' replied the latter, ' I am 
an officer.' ' I beg your pardon,' responded Morgan ; 
'I did not think of that.' Instantly alighting from his 
horse, he approached the rock, seizing hold of which, he 
exclaimed to the men, 'Now heave hard, my boys.' The 
rock was soon displaced, and Morgan, without another 
word, mounted and rode off." * 

We have alluded to other circumstances that conduced 
to Morgan's resignation. The depreciation of the cur- 
* Graham's Life of Morgan, p. 200. 



14-4 IIARD SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. 

rency, and the poverty of the military chest, had for 
some time left the officers without adequate support. 
Many efficient officers had quit the service, because they 
could no longer make a decent appearance. Morgan had 
long been drawing upon his private revenues, while his 
interests were suffering seriously by his protracted absence 
from home. 

A graver compulsion, however, was the impaired state of 
his health. The unparalleled severities of that ill-starred 
Canadian expedition ; that winter wading through the 
rivers and marshes of Maine, with the subsequent hard 
service before Quebec, had induced a rheumatic affection, 
which at times developed into a torturing sciatica. 

The services of the rifle corps, for the eighteen months 
following the surrender at Saratoga, had also involved 
more peril, privation and fatigue than that of any other 
regiment in the army. 

Their incessant reconnoissances and mancuvres before 
the enemy's outposts, their innumerable picket fights and 
skirmishes, unrecorded, lost to history and now forgotten, 
were attended by more privation and danger than regular 
field engagements. 

In June, 1779, he communicated his intentions to 
Washington and asked permission to wait upon Congress 
with his resignation. Washington received his proposi- 
tion with much concern, and endeavored to dissuade him, 
while he admitted the gravity of the causes for such a 
step. 

Morgan, however, adhered to his resolution, and pre- 
sented to Congress, a few days after, the following from 
the commander-in-chief ; 

" To the President of Congress. 

Sir: — Colonel Morgan, of the Virginia line, who waits 
on Congress with his resignation, will have the honor of 
delivering this to you. I cannot, in justice, avoid men- 



HARD SERVICE AND NO LAURELS. 145 

tioning him as a very valuable officer, who has rendered a 
series of important services, and distinguished himself on 
several occasions. 

" I am, sir, very respectfully, 

" Your obedient servant, 

" Geo. Washington." 



XV.— 1778-1779. 
AKNOLD AT PHILADELPHIA. 

ARNOLD, by this time, was moving swiftly to the 
L consummation of his villainies. After the " Sur- 
render," October 1777, he had lain some months in hos- 
pital, at Albany, with his shattered limb. Here he ac- 
cepted and appropriated the compliments of General Bur- 
goyne for his bravery and military skill, especially in the 
action of the 19th September, of which he got the whole 
credit. 

Congress had so far relented as to permit Washington 
to commission him to the full rank for which he had so 
valiantly contended with that body. There is little doubt 
that the injustice of Gates toward Arnold still further 
quickened the sympathies of the commander-in-chief, who 
accompanied the commission with a letter saying, " As soon 
as your situation will permit, I request you will repair to 
this army, it being my earnest wish to have your services 
the ensuing campaign." 

In the spring of 1778, he journeyed homeward to NeAV 
Haven. Near that place, he received unmistakable de- 
monstrations of the public appreciation of his servicer, 
being met and escorted into the town by several military 
companies with leading citizens, while his arrival was 
announced by thirteen discharges of cannon. He received 
while here a further compliment from Washington, in the 
gift of a handsome set of epaulettes and sword knot, "as 
a testimony of sincere regard and approbation of his con- 
duct." These had been sent to Washington from one of 



AKNOLD AT PHILADELPHIA. 147 

his French admirers, with the request that he would wear 
one, and present the other to any gentleman he might 
select. 

At the end of May 1778, Arnold joined Washington at 
Valley Forge. The condition of his wound still forbidding 
active service, Washington decided to appoint him to the 
command at Philadelphia, as soon as the British should 
evacuate it. 

A more injudicious appointment was, perhaps, never 
made. Nothing could more forcibly illustrate how com- 
pletely Washington's eyes were holden in regard to Arnold's 
character and qualifications. A military commandant was 
scarcely necessary, as only a handful of militia remained 
in the city ; but, otherwise, the post involved the settle- 
ment of the nicest and most intricate questions, requiring 
the utmost tact, delicacy, judgment and integrity. 

During the British occupation of Philadelphia, many of 
doubtful patriotism had flocked thither, and still re- 
mained, holding large quantities of merchandise ; this 
naturally led to disputed ownership and gave opportunities 
for fraudulent transactions. 

The difficulty was further complicated by the indefina- 
ble powers of the military commander. How far did his 
authority extend, and where clash with the civil govern- 
ment of Pennsylvania, whose laws its citizens were bound 
to obey ? 

Arnold's instructions from Washington could only be 
expressed in general terms, leaving far too much to his 
own discretion in their execution . 

His proclamation upon entering the city, prohibiting the 
sale of any and all goods until a joint committee cf Con- 
gress and Pennsylvania should decide their ownership, 
brought upon him at once an odium that his haughtiness 
and arrogance could only increase. 

Before a month, this restless spirit conceived a sudden 
design of obtaining the command of the navy, and with 



148 ARNOLD AT rniLADELFTJIA. 

that intent wrote to consult the commander-in-chief, say- 
ing that his friends had proposed such a position for him. 

The Chief, in reply, declined to advise him in the mat- 
ter, urging his ignorance of naval concerns. 

As there is nowhere any record of any such offer being 
suggested for or made to Arnold, except in this letter to 
Washington, it was doubtless a matter of his own inven- 
tion, and he thought to obtain the influence of Washing- 
ton to further his plans. 

He was most likely induced to the project by avarice — 
it opened a fine prospect of rich prizes and plunder. 
Money was becoming an absolute necessity, for he was 
at this time in the greatest pecuniary straits. 

In assuming the command of the city, he had installed 
himself in a style of splendid extravagance, out of all 
proportion to his revenues. He took a handsome house, 
formerly the Penn mansion, furnished it extravagantly, 
and drove a coach and four. When the French Ambassa- 
dor arrived in Philadelphia, he and his suite were Ar- 
nold's guests for some time. 

Likewise, he had married the young and beautiful 
daughter of Mr. Edwin Shippen, afterwards Chief Justice 
of Pennsylvania — pronounced royalists. The lady had 
been on terms of intimacy with the British officers during 
their occupation of the city ; she had adorned the fete of 
the Mischianza, inaugurated in honor of the departing 
heroes, and afterwards corresponded with Major Andre. 
Social relations, so intimate, with the royalist circles of 
Philadelphia, doubtless gave stimulus and direction to 
Arnold's villainy. 

A few months after the " naval " project subsided, Ar- 
nold conceived a design of obtaining a grant of land in 
Western New York, as a place of settlement for officers 
and soldiers who had served under him, and others — who- 
soever would. It received the sanction and favor of some 
of the best men of that State ; but this project necessitated 



ARNOLD AT PHILADELPHIA. 149 

a genius for building up — creating something — bringing 
something to pass. Arnold's genius was one of destruc- 
tion only; he could only pull down and destroy. The 
scheme fell through. What was wrapped up in that pro- 
ject no man knows. Most likely it was a presentiment of 
such treason as that subsequently attempted by Aaron 
Burr. 

From the time of Arnold's arrival in Philadelphia,, he 
had been involved in constant disputes and difficulties 
with the "Council of Pennsylvania," which resulted, seven 
months after, about January 1779, in the passage by that 
body of a severe public censure upon his conduct. The 
Attorney General was directed to prosecute him in their 
courts of law for his illegal and oppressive acts. 

As Arnold was a United States officer, it was thought 
proper to appeal to Congress, and accordingly they laid 
their charges before that body. These documents were in 
time referred to a "committee of inquiry," who vindi- 
cated Arnold from all criminality on the charges brought 
before them. But it came to be known that the " Con- 
gressional Committee " had not received the full testimony 
offered by the "Council of Pennsylvania," so that their 
report was not accepted by Congress, but referred anew 
to another joint committee of the two bodies. 

The affair dragged on for months, and it was finally 
proposed to refer it to the commander-in-chief and to a 
military tribunal. 

Arnold considered himself very unhandsomely dealt 
with by Congress, which had declined to confirm the 
acquittal of their own " Committee," and he charged them 
with sacrificing him to maintain amicable relations with 
the "Council of Pennsylvania." 

The court-martial was about to assemble, June 1st, 
1779, at Middlebrook, when the British army threatened a 
movement upon the Hudson, or, it might be, into the 
Jerseys ; the court was adjourned. 



150 ARNOLD AT PHILADELPHIA. 

Arnold had, by permission of AVashington, resigned his 
command some months before ; he, however, still retained 
his commission and continued to reside in Philadelphia. 

Detested by the always keen-sighted populace, he was 
one day assaulted in the streets by a mob. He immedi- 
ately complained to Congress and requested that body to 
order him a guard of continental troops, adding, "this 
request, I presume, will not be denied to a man who has 
so often fought and bled in the defence of the liberties of 
his country." 

Congress declined to interfere, and referred him to the 
civil authorities of Pennsylvania for redress. He renewed 
his request for a guard of twenty men, declaring that his 
life was in danger from a " mad, ignorant, deluded rabble," 
again reminding them of his rank and services. Congress 
turned a deaf ear to the wily Pisistratus. 



XVI— 1779-1780. 
THE COURT-MARTIAL. 

THE fall of 1779 wore away in military maneuvres, and 
in the winter Washington announced that a court- 
martial would assemble December 20. It sat until Janu- 
ary 26th, 1780, when it pronounced its verdict. 

Arnold's defence of himself was " vigorous, elaborate 
and characteristic," especially when he made his usual 
parade of his " patriotism, services, sacrifices and wounds, 
and enumerated his real and imaginary wrongs." This 
over-done, weakened the force of his arguments, and it 
was clearly seen how adroitly he maneuvred to divert the 
attention of the court from essential to irrelevant points. 

He spoke thus : " When the present necessary war with 
Great Britain commenced, I was in easy circumstances, 
happy in domestic connections, blessed with a rising family 
who claimed my care and attention. The liberties of my 
country were in danger. She called on all her faithful 
sons to join in her defence. I obeyed the call. I sacri- 
ficed domestic ease and happiness to the service of my 
country, and in her service have I sacrificed a great part 
of a handsome fortune. I was one of the first in the 
field, and from that time to the present hour I have not 
abandoned her service. My time, my person and my 
fortune have been devoted to my country in this war, and 
if the sentiments of those w T ho are supreme in the United 
States in civil and military affairs have any weight, my 
time, my fortune and my person have not been devoted in 
vain. * * * * I have often bled in this service ; the 



152 THE COURT-MARTIAL. 

marks that I bear are sufficient evidence of my conduct. 
The impartial public will judge of my services, and whe- 
ther the returns I have met with are not tinctured with 
the basest ingratitude." He bitterly denounced his per- 
secutors, as he was pleased to call his prosecutors, and 
added : "In the hour of danger, when the affairs of 
America wore a gloomy aspect, when our illustrious Gen- 
eral was retreating through New Jersey with a handful 
of men, I did not propose to my associates basely to cpiit 
the General and sacrifice the cause of my country to my 
personal safety, by going over to the enemy and making 
my peace." 

Says Sparks : " The boastfulness and malignity of these 
declarations are obvious enough ; but their consummate 
hypocrisy can be understood only by knowing the fact that, 
at the moment they were uttered, he had been eight months 
in secret correspondence with the enemy, and was prepared, 
when the first opportunity should offer, to desert and be- 
tray his country." Notwithstanding this elaborate defence, 
the court found him guilty of two of the four charges, 
and sentenced him to be reprimanded by the commander- 
in-chief. 

The language of Washington was preserved by M. Mar- 
bois, secretary of the French legation : " Our profession 
is the chastest of all. The shadow of a fault tarnishes 
our most brilliant actions. The least inadvertence may 
cause us to lose that public favor which is so hard to be 
gained. I reprimand you for having forgotten that, in 
proportion as you had rendered yourself formidable to our 
enemies, you should have shown moderation to our 
citizens. Exhibit again those splendid qualities which 
have placed you in the rank of our most distinguished 
generals. As far as it shall be in my power, I will myself 
furnish you with opportunities for regaining the esteem 
which you have formerly enjoyed." 

Washington's tenderness and delicacy were as pearls 



THE COUKT-MAKTIAL. 153 

thrown to swine. He received the reprimand with sullen 
reserve, and from this time devoted himself to such matur- 
ing of his treasonable designs as should bring him the 
largest pecuniary results. He asked leave of absence for 
the summer, on the plea of attending to his private affairs, 
but continued to reside in Philadelphia. He was at that 
time concerned in petty speculations, privateering enter- 
prises and commercial ventures, in which he had his usual 
ill-luck — "the losses outweighing the profits." Also, 
shortly after the trial, he again pressed Congress for a 
settlement of his old disputed accounts, with such 
effrontery as to confirm his enemies in their disgusts and 
wear out the patience of his friends. His claims were 
not allowed. 

His next move was to offer himself for sale to the French 
envoy, M. de la Luzerne. That minister, taking the pub- 
lic estimate of his distinguished services, had treated him 
with great kindness even after the censure of the court- 
martial. Arnold wished to turn the Frenchman's ameni- 
ties into cash, and to that end he unbosomed himself 
without reserve, making the usual parade of his " services, 
sacrifices and wounds, the ingratitude of his country, the 
injustice of Congress, and the malice of his enemies." 

The war, he said, had swamped his fortunes ; he was 
harassed by his creditors, and, unless he could effect a 
loan to the amount of his debts, he should be compelled to 
quit his profession from poverty. He set before the min- 
ister the great advantage that would accrue to his sov- 
ereign, the French king, to secure to his service an Ameri- 
can general of a rank and influence so high as his. 

The Frenchman was a man of clean hands and noble 
sentiments ; he listened to the American with pain, and 
frankly answered : "You desire of me a service which it 
would be easy for me to render, but which would degrade 
us both. When the envoy of a foreign power gives, or, if 
you will, lends money, it is ordinarily to corrupt those 



154 THE COURT-MARTIAL. 

who receive it, and to make them the creatures of the 
sovereign whom he serves ; or, rather, he corrupts without 
persuading ; he buys and does not secure. 

"But the firm league entered into between the King 
and the United States, is the work of justice and of the 
wisest policy. It has for its basis, a reciprocal interest 
and good will. In the mission with which I am charged, 
my true glory consists, in fulfilling it without intrigue or 
cabal ; without resorting to secret practices, and by the- 
force alone of the conditions of the alliance." 

Furthermore, hoping to win back to paths of duty and 
rectitude so illustrious a soldier, he " addressed him in the 
language of expostulation and advice, reminding him that 
murmurs and resentments at the acts of public bodies and 
the persecutions of political opponents, were evidences of 
a weak rather than of a great mind, resting on its own 
dignity and power, and that a consciousness of innocence 
was his best support. He recurred to the renown of his 
former exploits, appealed to his sense of patriotism and 
honor, his love of glory, and represented in the most attrac- 
tive colors the wide field of action yet before him, if he 
would suppress his anger, bear his troubles with fortitude, 
and unite heart and hand with his compatriots in the 
great work in which he had already labored with so much 
credit to himself, and benefit to his country." * 

The pitch of such sentiments was away above and out 
of Arnold's inner sense of hearing ; the one only thing he 
wanted was money. The advice of the French minister 
was not appreciated, and Arnold left him, indignant at 
his ill success, and at the rebuff he had received. 

Arnold's talents show to the highest advantage in the 
matter of the treason ; in devising mischiefs he was in his 
element. The plan was matured with skill, caution, de- 
liberation, and matchless ability, up to a certain point ; 
for at the last, always, " the devil is an ass." 
* Sparks' Life of Arnold. 



THE COUBT-MARTIAL. 155 

He had been for eighteen months in communication 
with the enemy under assumed names. The correspond- 
ence with Major Andre, still maintained by Mrs. Arnold 
after her marriage, afforded facilities which Arnold so 
managed as not even to excite her suspicions. Through 
this channel he communicated directly with Sir Henry 
Clinton. He was in British pay, and had already fur- 
nished valuable information. 

It was now midsummer of 1780, and certain movements 
of the French and English fleets, newly arrived in our 
waters, made it desirable to consummate the treason. 

We have already explained that from the commencement 
of hostilities, the possession of the Hudson River had been 
the supreme object of the British. Arnold's supreme 
necessity was money, and he knew that West Point would 
bring the largest price in the British market ; this booty, 
so rich, he hoped might be further enhanced by the be- 
trayal into the enemy's hands of the person of his friend 
and benefactor, the commander-in-chief.* 

* The following letter from the chivalrous young Laurens ex- 
presses the sentiment of the day on this point : 

" Philadelphia, October 4, 1780. 
"Sir : — With the triumph of a republican and the more tender 
emotions of one who sincerely loves his General, I congratulate your 
Excellency on your late providential escape. I congratulate my 
country, whose safety is so intimately united with yours, and who 
may regard this miraculous rescue of her champion, as an assurance 
that Heaven approves her choice of a defender, and is propitious to 
her cause. In fact, all the ascendency that could be given by virtue, 
genius and valor, would only have furnished a deplorable example 
of unfortunate merit, if, by the Divine interposition, you had not 
prevailed over the most impenetrable perfidy that has yet disgraced 
mankind. This happy event must inspire every virtuous citizen of 
America with new confidence, and transfix her enemies with awful 
terror. I need not inform your Excellency, how I have languished 
in so long a separation from you, and how anxious I am to assure 
you, in person, of the veneration and attachment of your faithful aid, 

" John Laurens." 



156 THE COURT-MARTIAL. 

Such were the relations between Arnold and Washing- 
ton, that it was only to ask and have ; he therefore ad- 
dressed himself at once to obtain the command of that 
post. 

He had up to this time pleaded the state of his wounds, 
in justification of his long furlough from active service. 
He now suddenly represented himself ready and solicitous 
to resume military duty. Washington, from certain in- 
dications, anticipating a stirring campaign, intended to 
give him command of the left wing of the army, hoping 
he would here find an opportunity to retrieve his popularity 
by some brilliant stroke. Arnold at first maneuvred in- 
directly through Schuyler and Livingston to obtain the 
coveted command, but Washington esteemed the post he 
had assigned him, so important and honorable, that he 
declined to act upon their suggestions. Meantime Arnold 
arrived at headquarters, and learning from General Tilgh- 
man of his appointment to the left wing, his countenance 
fell. He seemed embarrassed and ill at ease. He sought 
the commander-in-chief and represented to him that his 
wounds still disabled him from field service, and that at 
West Point only, could he do himself justice and his 
country service. 

Washington was puzzled. He could not comprehend 
how a man of Arnold's temperament and enthusiasm, 
should decline a post that offered active service and rare 
opportunity for his special abilities, and ask for one of 
quiet garrison duty, with no prospect of enterprise or 
glory. 

Not a shadow of suspicion, however, seems to have 
crossed his mind, and being convinced that Arnold really 
desired it, he made out his instructions August 3d, 1780, 
and Arnold immediately assumed command at West Point. 
This included all the fortifications in the Highlands. 

" Four years before, Washington had sailed between 
the Highlands where nature blends mountains and valleys. 



THE COURT-MARTIAL. 157 

and the deep river in exceeding beauty; and he had 
selected for fortification the points best adapted to com- 
mand the passage. Now it was covered with fortresses 
and artillery. Fort Defiance alone was defended by a 
hundred and twenty pieces of cannon, and was believed 
to be impregnable. Here were magazines of powder and 
ammunition, completely filled, for the use not only of that 
post, but of the whole army. These fortifications seem- 
ingly represented a vast outlay of money. With prodi- 
gious labor, huge trunks of trees, and enormous hewn 
stones were piled up on steep rocks. 

" All this had been done without cost to the state, by 
the hands of American soldiers who were pervaded by a 
spirit as enthusiastic and as determined as that of the 
bravest and most cultivated of their leaders. These works, 
of which every stone was a monument of humble disin- 
terested patriotism, were to be betrayed to the enemy, with 
all their garrisons." * 

Clinton caught eagerly at the prospect of so magnificent 
a prize as West Point, with its opulent military magazines, 
cannon, garrisons, vessels, boats, and stores. The home 
ministry as eagerly supported him, directing him to incur 
any expense within reason, for the successful issue of the 
gigantic scheme. 

* Bancroft, Vol. X. 



XVIL— 1780. 
TREASON. 

" Being remiss, most generous, and free from all contriving." 

Hamlet. 

AND now, the treason having taken shape, Arnold 
„ drew across its " blackness of darkness," a line of 
sudden radiance ; — himself selected the costly victim to 
adorn the odious tragedy about to be enacted. He de- 
manded that Andre, tbe grace and idol of Clinton's army, 
whom Sir Henry loved as his own son, should be sent to 
consummate the foul treachery, — Andre, whose name for 
all knightly virtues and accomplishments, might have 
gone down the ages linked with that of Sir Philip Sidney, 
had he, like him, given his life in the cause of human 
liberty. But alack! he could urge nothing but "an 
honest zeal in the service of his king,"* and the success- 
ful issue of the affair was to bring him rank and emolu- 
ment. Without duplicity, or even ordinary caution, 
Andre was the last man to be sent upon such an errand, 
and it is certain that he did not seek the service. 

Clinton had dispatched him upon his dangerous mission 
with three distinct charges : not to pass within the 
American lines; not to change his dress, and upon no 
account to take papers. Arnold compelled him to all 
three. 

The British ship "Vulture" had been sent up the Hud- 
son and anchored off Tellers Point, to facilitate the affair. 

* Letters to General Washington and Sir Henry Clinton. 



TREASON". 159 

Dobb's Ferry had been first designated as the place of meet- 
ing. Andre arriving there and finding no message or messen- 
ger from Arnold, afterwards ascended the river and reached 
the "Vulture" at 7 o'clock on the evening of September 20. 

He confidently expected to meet Arnold there the same 
night, " according to the tenor of his letter " ; but that 
coward- villain had no intention of coming on board the 
" Vulture." He had resolved that Andre and not he, 
should take the risks of the meeting. 

Andre waited anxiously through the night, and in the 
morning dispatched a letter to Sir Henry, in rather de- 
spondent tone, " saying that this was the second excur- 
sion he had made without any ostensible reason, and a 
third would infallibly fix suspicions. He thought it best, 
therefore, to stay where he was, under pretence of sick- 
ness, and try further expedients." An opportunity oc- 
curred the next day to send a letter ashore under flag. It 
reached Arnold safely, and he now addressed himself to 
arrange for bringing Andre on shore. 

Arnold had no accomplice — he bore the whole burden 
of infamy alone — but he had managed to win to sundry 
nefarious transactions, a man named Joshua Smith. See- 
ing his susceptibility as a tool, Arnold had flattered him 
with civilities, invited him to headquarters, etc. Smith 
served him, and asked no questions. 

The difficulty was to get two boatmen willing to go 
with Smith at midnight, with muffled oars, to the " Vul- 
ture." Two brothers named Oolquhoun were selected, 
but they stoutly refused, saying they would willingly go 
by daylight under flag, but declined the night service. 
Arnold argued with them that the morning would be too 
late — there was a gentleman on board whom he must see 
immediately upon business of highest importance to the 
public interest, and they were no patriots if they refused 
their services. They still drew back. Further appeals to 
their patriotism failed ; the men were obdurate. 



1G0 TREASON. 

Arnold, at last, threatened to put them under arrest, as 
disaffected to their country's cause. They then consented 
to obey his orders. He promised them fifty pounds of 
flour as an encouragement, which, it is almost needless to 
add, they never received. 

At midnight of the 21st a boat with muffled oars ap- 
proached the " Vulture," and a letter signified to Andre 
that he was expected to come ashore. It illustrates An- 
dre's character, that he at once prepared to comply with' 
the summons, with no security for his safety but " the 
word of a man who was seeking to betray his country." 
" Eemissness " could go no further. 

He was strongly dissuaded from so doing ; but such was 
his eagerness to accomplish the object, that he seemed 
indifferent to the risks of such a step. 

He wore his uniform, but over it a blue overcoat, which 
concealed all. He entered the boat, and the oarsmen 
rowed, a silent party, to the shore, called Long Clove, on 
the western bank of the river, about six miles below Stony 
Point. 

It was the precise point that Arnold had designated, and, 
in a few moments after the boat touched the river side, 
Smith and Andre groped their way up the bank through 
the darkness and found the traitor concealed in a clump 
of thick bushes. Smith returned to the boat at Arnold's 
request, but full of vexation and disgust, as he expected 
to be present at the interview, after the trouble it had cost 
him to bring the parties together. 

Some hours passed. The honest oarsmen slept heavily, 
but a troubled conscience kept Smith uneasy and wake- 
ful. With the first streak of dawn he approached and 
admonished Arnold that the boat must leave its present 
station before day. 

But the affair was yet far from concluded. Arnold 
gave consent for the boat to return up the river, and he, 
with Andre, mounted horses which had been provided 



TREASON. 161 

and rode several miles to Smith's house. "It was still 
dark, and the voice of the sentinel, demanding the counter- 
sign, was the first intimation to Andre that he was within 
the American lines. " * Marshall also says, that Andre had 
peremptorily refused to be carried within the American 
lines ; but the promise made him by Arnold, to respect 
this objection, was not observed. Andre was startled, 
and perfectly realized the peril of his situation. It was 
too late, however, except to nerve himself to meet the 
exigency now upon him. 

Their consultations were resumed upon arriving at 
Smith's house. Shortly after daylight, their attention 
was attracted by the sound of a cannonade, and Andre 
saw from his windows, with anxious heart, the "Vulture" 
hoist anchor and drop down the river out of range of the 
shot from an American cannon at Verplanck's Point. 

Before noon of September 22d, the plot, with all its 
conditions and details, wa3 consummated and ready for 
execution. The clay was fixed. Much of these details 
has never seen the light. It is not known for how many 
pieces of silver Arnold agreed to sell his country. But, 
as avarice was his stimulating motive, and the prize was 
of priceless value to the purchaser, the sum demanded 
by Arnold upon the successful issue of the plot, must have 
been fabulous. 

The business concluded, Andre's concern now was a 
safe and speedy return to the " Vulture." He insisted 
that he should be put on board of the "Vulture." Ar- 
nold pretended to assent, but at the same time suggested 
many objections to it, and advised the return by land as 
much safer. Andre adhered to his determination to re- 
turn as he came. This could not be accomplished until 
nightfall. 

In Andre's own account of his capture, he says : "Arnold 
quitted me, having himself made me put the papers I 
* Sparks' Life of Arnold. 



162 • TREASON". 

bore, between my stockings and feet. Whilst lie did it, 
he expressed a wish, in case of any accident befalling me, 
that they should be destroyed ; which I said of course 
would be the case, as when I went into the boat I should 
have them tied about with a string and a stone. Before 
we parted, some mention had been made of my crossing 
the river and going another route ; but I objected much 
to it, and thought it was settled, that in the way I came, 
I was to return." 

Arnold left Andre about eleven o'clock in the morning, 
entered his barge and went up the river to his headquar- 
ters. It was just here that the gods smote him blind, and 
he could not see that his own safety and that of the whole 
affair was wrapped up in the personal safety and assured 
return of Andre to New York. 

The extreme caution and skill which had characterized 
him in the entire conduct of the treachery up to this 
point, seemed suddenly to desert him. The important 
documents placed by him in Andre's stockings were in 
Arnold's undisguised handwriting, and endorsed by him. 
Having, as he thought, secured his own personal safety, 
he, with a blind insensibility, sent Andre to his doom. 

This view of Arnold's treachery- to Andre is sustained 
by Andre's own statements in his letters to Washington 
and to Sir Henry Clinton. To Washington he wrote: * * * 
" I came up in the ' Vulture ' man-of-war, and was fetched 
from the ship to the beach. Being here, I was told that 
the approach of day would prevent my return, and that I 
must be concealed until the next night. I was in my 
regimentals and had fairly risked my person. Against my 
stipulations, my intentions, and without my knowledge 
beforehand, I was conducted within one of your posts. 
Your excellency may conceive my sensation on this occa- 
sion, and will imagine how much more must I have been 
affected, by a refusal to reconduct me back the next night 
as I had been brought. 



TREASON. 183 

" Thus become a prisoner, I had to concert my escape. 
I quitted my uniform and was passed another way in the 
night, without the American posts, to neutral ground, and 
informed I was beyond all armed parties, and left to press 
for New York. Thus, as I have the honor to relate, was 
I betrayed into the vile condition of an enemy in disguise 
within your posts." 

To Sir Henry Clinton he wrote : * * * " The events of 
coming within the enemy's posts and of changing my 
dress, which led to my present situation, were contrary to 
my own intentions, as they were to your orders ; and the 
circuitous route which I took to return, was imposed with- 
out alternative upon me." 

But to continue : 

Upon leaving Andre, Arnold wrote and gave to Smith 
two passports, one authorizing him to go by water and the 
other by land. A third passport ran: "Permit Mr. John 
Anderson (Andre's assumed name) to pass the guards to 
the White Plains, or below," etc. This last was the one 
which he presented to his three captors. 

Andre wearied through an anxious day, and at sundown 
became impatient to set off. What were his feelings upon 
learning from Smith that he had made no arrangements 
for returning to the "Vulture," and that he had no inten- 
tion of so doing. All Andre's entreaties were without 
avail, and nothing remained but to submit to the hard 
necessity of his situation and take the land route. 

Arnold had impressed upon him the absolute necessity 
of changing his dress, in event of returning by land. 
Smith therefore furnished him a citizen's coat, and his 
military coat was left behind. Arnold had even lulled 
Smith's suspicious about the British uniform, by repre- 
senting to him, that it was the pride and vanity of 
"Anderson," who wished to make a figure as a man of 
consequence, and had borrowed a coat from a military 
acquaintance. 



1G4 TREASON. 

Smith accompanied him to within a short distance of 
White Plains. He then left him and returned to report 
to Arnold. Every school-boy knows the rest: how Andre 
after passing all the American lines, through the dangerous 
neutral ground, had almost reached the first British post, 
when three poor, obscure, but incorruptible patriots — John 
Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van Wert — there, 
by the Eternal decrees, emerged from the wayside and 
called the handsome horseman to halt. 

A thorough search brought all to light. Andre's rich 
offers of his purse, his horse, his watch, with further 
rewards and honors from the British commander at New 
York, failed to corrupt his captors. 

" Thus in the very moment when one of the most dis- 
tinguished chiefs of the American army — a man celebrated 
throughout the world for his brilliant exploits — betrayed, 
out of a base vengeance, the country he had served, and 
sold it for a purse of gold, three common soldiers pre- 
ferred the honest to the useful, and fidelity to fortune." * 

Brought to trial, Andre preserved a most noble and 
dignified deportment, " he answered every question 
promptly, discovered no embarrassment, sought no dis- 
guise, stated with frankness and truth everything that 
related to himself, and used no words to explain, palliate 
or defend any part of his conduct." His knightly scorn 
of a lie compelled the tragic verdict which the court pro- 
nounced and executed. At his death, the lamentations 
of his enemies mingled with the wail of his friends. 

Yet Bancroft well says : " His king did right in offer- 
ing honorable rank to his brother, and in giving pensions 
to his mother and sisters; but not in raising a memorial 
to his name in Westminster Abbey — such honor belongs 
to other enterprises and other deeds. The tablet has no 
fit place in a sanctuary, dear, from its monuments, to 
every friend of genius and mankind." 

* Botta's American Revolution. 



XVIII— 1780, 1781. 
ARNOLD'S SMALL VILLAINIES. 

" The name of the wicked shall rot." 

Proverbs. 

THE colossal, even in crime, overawes us, and invests 
the perpetrator with a certain dignity. We have 
therefore, as far as possible, abridged the details of Ar- 
nold's great villainy, preferring to bring to the front his 
smaller villainies. He has been too much estimated by 
this one deed of shame ; too much regarded as a fallen 
man. He did not fall. His brazen impudence blazed 
out in a letter of threats to Washington, as soon as he 
had reached the British lines, — it contained these words : 
"1 beg leave to assure your Excellency that I am actuated 
by the same principle which has ever been the governing 
rule of my conduct in this unhappy contest." He spoke 
better than he knew. 

Colonel Hamilton, in a letter to Washington immedi- 
ately following the treason, writes : " This man is in every 
sense despicable. In addition to the knavery and prosti- 
tution during his command in Philadelphia, which the 
late seizure of his papers has unfolded, the history of his 
command at West Point, is a history of little as well as 
great villainies. He practised every dirty act of pecula- 
tion, and even .stooped to connections with sutlers of the 
garrison to defraud the public." 

Immediately upon his capture, Andre, not regarding 
the case in the serious light it afterwards assumed, and 
far less apprehending the fate Avhich awaited him, seemed 
only anxious to provide for Arnold's safety. 



16G Arnold's small villainies. 

The blundering stupidity of the commandant of the 
American post to which he was first taken, served his 
generous impulse, for Andre induced him to dispatch a 
messenger up the river to inform Arnold that the man 
" Anderson" had been captured. 

Arnold received the intelligence as he sat at breakfast 
table. Comprehending the full danger that menaced him, 
he stayed no longer than to give a hurried word of fare- 
well to his young wife, but recently a mother, and fled to 
take refuge on board the " Vulture," still lying anchored 
in the stream. 

Riding with hot speed to the landing, he entered a boat 
and ordered the oarsmen to push out from the shore. Six 
rowers promptly obeyed the command. Arnold stimulated 
their lusty oar-strokes with a promise of two gallons of 
rum if they made a quick passage to the "Vulture," rep- 
resenting the extreme importance of the business to be 
dispatched. 

He passed the shore batteries in safety, by waving his 
white handkerchief as a flag, and arriving on board the 
"Vulture" announced himself to Captain Sontherland. 
He then sent for the leader of the boatmen to come into 
the cabin, when he informed him that he and his fellow- 
boatmen were prisoners. 

The man was an intelligent and spirited fellow ; he 
declared they were no prisoners, that they had come on 
board nnder protection of a flag, and he turned to Captain 
Sontherland for justice and honor. The British sailor felt 
extreme disgust at the affair, and though he could not 
countermand the order of Arnold, he took the boatman's 
parole and allowed him to go ashore for clothes and money. 
On their arrival at New York the following day, Sir 
Henry Clinton, with scorn of the meanness, at once set 
them all at liberty. British honor acquired a new lustre 
from Clinton at this time. 

With his heart full of anguish at the impending fate of 



ARNOLD'S SMALL VILLAINIES. 167 

Andre, and humiliation at the total miscarriage of so 
magnificent a scheme, it was distinctly intimated to Clin- 
ton, from the highest sources, that there was one way, and 
one only, to save Andre — that was, to exchange him for 
the traitor Arnold. He wrung his own heart in return- 
ing the answer, that " to give up a man who had deserted 
from the enemy, and openly espoused the king's cause, was 
such a violation of honor and of every military principle, 
that he would not for a moment entertain the idea." An 
unspeakable disgust filled the mind of every British officer 
and man of honor, at the sight of this betrayer of his 
country, and prime cause of the death of the man they 
idolized. Yet Clinton was compelled to give him the 
specified high rank in his majesty's army, and receive 
him at his military counsels. British officers "hated to 
serve with him, under him, or over him." 

Arnold made haste to present also his claims for indem- 
nity for loss incurred by coming over. The sum de- 
manded was between thirty and forty thousand dollars. 
It was simply obtaining money under false pretences, for 
he left behind nothing but debts, and his creditors were 
the only losers. 

To the American cause, his defection was immense 
gain, and he speedily became as mischievous and pestilent 
to British interests as he had been to American. 

The expectation that Arnold would have an extensive 
following of deserters, was doomed to disappointment. 
His windy and audacious addresses to the American people, 
and to the American army, with the proffer of bounties 
of English gold, failed to draw a single officer or private 
from their country's standards. A few refugees and dis- 
contented spirits, already in New York, were given him 
as a nucleus for a regiment, which was never filled. 

He took all his native impudence with him, and, net- 
tled by his failure, ascribed it to the insufficient bounty 
offered by Sir Henry Clinton; passing by his commander's 



108 Arnold's small villainies. 

authority, lie wrote himself to the ministry, urging that 
the bounty be increased. It was done, but with the same 
ill success. The more honorable to those he sought to 
corrupt, as at that time the continental currency was at 
its worst. 

Also, in his letters to the ministry, he had greatly mis- 
represented the real status of American affairs, stating 
that the resources of Congress were utterly exhausted, 
notwithstanding the late favorable alliance with the 
French ; that the cause was becoming more and more 
unpopular with the people, who ardently desired a recon- 
ciliation with England, etc. So eager were the ministry 
at this time to listen to any word of hope, that they 
greedily swallowed the assurance of a man who had stood 
so high in military councils from the very beginning of 
the war, and had so eminently enjoyed the confidence of 
the commander-in-chief. It caused the ministry to relax 
their efforts at the very moment when they should have 
renewed them, to the manifest detriment of Clinton's 
military plans. 

It was, perhaps, the first real service he had performed 
for his country. Furthermore, his restive ambition led 
him again to pass the authority of his commander General 
Clinton, and he wrote to Germain submitting a plan by 
which West Point might be taken with ease, if not by a 
coup-de-main, yet by a few days regular attack. This 
caused Lord Germain to prick the sides of Clinton's mili- 
tary intent, in a manner that implied " censure, either 
upon his discernment or his enterprise." 

Clinton returned for answer, that the scheme was vis- 
ionary and impracticable with the present strength and 
vigilance of the so-recently-menaced posts, and concluded : 
"As to Major-General Arnold's opinion, I can only say 
that, whatever he may have rejsresented to your Lordship, 
nothing he has yet communicated to me, has convinced 
me that the rebel posts in the Highlands can be reduced 



Arnold's small villainies. 169 

by a ' few days' regular attack.' But, if lie convinces me 
now that such a thing - is practicable (for to fail would be 
death to our cause in the present state of the war), I shall 
most likely be induced to make the attempt. I have, 
therefore, required that general officer to send his plan of 
operation to me without delay, and to follow, or accom- 
pany it, himself." 

It was as visionary as had been his plan for the capture 
of Quebec, but the prudence of Clinton prevented the 
disastrous attempt. Nothing more was ever heard of it, 
and Arnold idled through the summer without a com- 
mand. 

He had left his military fame behind him. His new 
friends did not share the American enthusiasm for his 
soldierly abilities. They had a truer gauge, and, esti- 
mating him with remarkable penetration, they appointed 
him only to the work of a thief and a robber. 

In the winter of 1781, they sent him on a plundering 
and burning expedition to Virginia [it was the very time 
that Daniel Morgan was at Cowpens] ; but so little did 
Clinton trust him, that he sent with him two officers, 
of tried ability and honor, with the express command 
that he was to undertake nothing without their counsel 
and consent. 

A gale scattered the fleet at the mouth of the Chesa- 
peake, and Arnold, without waiting to reassemble, pushed 
on up the James Eiver to Eichmond. Here he thought 
to cheat his new masters, for " he offered to spare Eich- 
mond if he might carry off unmolested its vast stores of 
tobacco"; but they rejected the proposition with scorn, 
and he burned all. He was soon compelled to retreat, and 
was recalled to New York by Clinton.* 

* It was at this time that Arnold attempted to correspond with 
La Fayette by flag of trace. But La Fayette refused to read the 
letter and sent it back unopened. When Cornwallis came into 
Virginia, he took the first opportunity to send him down to Ports- 



170 Arnold's small villainies. 

One more and the last of his "exploits." His ravages of 
the shores of Connecticut ; and, from his knowledge of 
the locality, it is believed that the expedition originated 
with him. 

It was in the golden September 1781, while "Washington 
and La Fayette were before Yorktown. He burned towns 
and vessels, immense magazines of public property, and 
butchered, with savage ferocity, the garrison at Fort 
Griswold, after they had surrendered. It is said that "he 
stood in the belfry of a steeple and witnessed the confla- 
gration, and what adds to the enormity is, that he stood 
almost in sight of the spot where he drew his first breath ; 
and that many of the dying whose groans assailed his 
ears, and of the living whose houses and effects he saw 
devoured by the flames, were his early friends — the friends 
of his father and mother — and that these wanton acts 
were without provocation on the part of the sufferers." * 
He might even have seen the little school-house, around 
which, in his boyish iniquity, he used to strew the pieces 
of broken glass that the children might cut their feet on 
going and returning from school. The boy was father of 
the man. 



With the surrender of Cornwallis, Arnold found his 
military occupation gone ; shunned by his fellow officers, 
he asked permission of Clinton to sail for England. 
Arriving there, he found a deeper scorn and contempt 
awaiting him. There was only one "so poor to do him 

mouth, out of hi3 sight and association. It was also at this time 
that Arnold asked an American officer who had been taken prisoner, 
what they would do with him if he should fall into their hands. 
He replied, " We would cut off the leg which was wounded while 
you fought in the cause of liberty, and bury it with the honors of 
war, and hang the rest of your body on the gibbet." 
* Sparks' Life of Arnold. 



aknold's small villainies. 171 

reverence." His Majesty, the Third George, was perforce 
his friend. 

The invective of Lord Lauderdale resulted in a duel ; 
while Lord Surrey, rising to speak one day in the House 
of Commons, saw Arnold enter the gallery ; he sat down 
quickly, pointing to him and exclaiming : " I will not 
speak while that man is in the House." 

Again and again, he solicited a command in the British 
service, but it was not granted. All he obtained was a con- 
tract for supplying the British troops and provisions; he 
afterwards received a gift of land in Canada for his ser- 
vices in the West Indies. At St. Johns, New Brunswick, 
he carried on an extensive business, occupying two large 
warehouses. Upon one of these he procured insurance 
for a large amount. It soon after took fire and was en- 
tirely consumed with all it contained. His two sons, who 
slept in the warehouse escaped, but could give no account 
of the origin of the fire. 

It was generally believed that it had been insured for an 
amount far beyond the value of the goods stored in it, and 
was set afire. Proof, however, could not be furnished, and 
Arnold received the full value of the merchandise insured. 

To illustrate the sentiment of the public in the matter : 
Monson, Arnold's partner, accused him of having insti- 
gated the fire ; Arnold brought suit against him for libel, 
and obtained a verdict of two-and-sixpence. 

Fortune continued to desert him to the last, until, 
twenty years after his treason, in 1801, in shame, obscu- 
rity and poverty, he sank into a dishonored grave, — an 
unanswerable argument for the doctrine of native de- 
pravity. 



XIX.— 1W9. 
TIDE OF BATTLE FLOWS SOUTHWAED. 

MEANTIME (lie tide of battle Lad rolled southward. 
The British had good reasons for shifting the 
theatre of war. Sentiment was more equally divided there. 
The republicans scarcely out-numbered the tories. It 
must be said, however, that as a rule the virtuous and 
intelligent adhered to the cause of independence, while the 
ignorant and vicious, with the hope of plunder and adven- 
ture, flocked to the'king's standards. 

The coast abounded in good harbors and the country 
was a rich plain, watered by navigable rivers, by which 
they could penetrate to the very heart of the provinces. 

Among the reasons given by Tarleton, who accompanied 
Sir Henry Clinton on his expedition to South Carolina, 
were: "The mildness of the climate, richness of the 
country, its vicinity to Georgia [already in the power of 
the British] and its distance from Washington" 

From the midsummer of 1775, the ablest commanders 
in the British service, Generals Gage, Howe, Burgoyne, 
Cornwallis, and Clinton, had been successively out-gen- 
cralled, out-maneuvred and put to shame, by his matchless 
combinations. They had thought to uproot the American 
rebellion by striking at Boston, "the hot-bed of treason"; 
but in a few months they were driven from its harbor. 
They then fancied to decapitate it, by seizing the Hudson 
river and thus dividing the eastern from the middle colo- 
nies. They were foiled on the plains of Saratoga, and the 
surrender of Burgoyne was the consequence. In 1777 



TIDE OF BATTLE PLOWS SOUTHWABD. 173 

tliey had indeed established themselves in the city of the 
Continental Congress, but only to yield it up in the follow- 
ing year. In the summer of 1778, coming again upon 
White Plains, Washington wrote : "After two years 
maneuvering, and the strangest vicissitudes, both armies 
are brought back to the very point they set out from, and 
the offending party is now reduced to the use of the spade 
and pickaxe for safety. The hand of Providence has been 
so conspicuous in all this, that he must be worse than an 
infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked, that has 
not gratitude enough to acknowledge his obligations." 

Had Washington been an unbeliever, consulting only 
the "stars" for his omens, he would still have been a 
formidable antagonist ; but, with his splendid military 
instinct — holding fast by the hand of his God — saying 
continually: "Thou wilt guide me with thine eye," ,he 
had become to his enemies, the unconquerable. 

As early as 1778, the coast of Georgia had been ravaged 
by British troops, from their station in Florida, joined by 
Indian tribes who were bought by British agents with 
costly presents to enter their service. 

In 1779 Colonel Campbell was dispatched from New 
York with three thousand troops to take Savannah. It 
was feebly defended by the American General Howe. 
Guided through a swamp by a negro, Campbell turned 
Howe's position. Vigorously attacked on all sides, he 
capitulated, and the capital with nearly five hundred 
prisoners, forty-eight pieces of cannon, the fort with 
large military stores and much provision fell to the 
British with a loss to them of only 'twenty-four killed and 
wounded. 

Having established themselves in Savannah, the British 
ranged at will through southern Georgia ; pushing north- 
ward, they fortified Augusta and opened communication 
with the savage tribes of upper Georgia. 

The delegates of South Carolina requested Congress to 



174 TIDE OF BATTLE FLOWS SOUTHWARD. 

send Major General Lincoln, to command their forces ; 
a man highly esteemed for his integrity and private vir- 
tues, but without a stir of military instinct. Disaster 
followed fast and followed faster. In September 1779 the 
chivalric but impetuous Frenchman D'Estaing suddenly 
appeared upon the coast of Georgia with fleet and army, 
and signified his purpose to assist in retaking Savannah. 
Autumnal gales approaching, he precipitated the mad 
assault, which was repulsed with frightful slaughter. 



Among the slain, were the brave Polander Pulaski and 
Sergeant Jasper. Three years before Jasper had earned 
immortal fame at the defence of Fort Moultrie in the 
harbor of Charleston. A ball from the enemy's ship shot 
away the flagstaff ; Jasper leaped from the wall, upon the 
beach, caught up the stars of liberty, and climbing the 
breastwork, through a storm of bullets, fixed the flag 
upon the point of his spontoon, and gave it again to the 
breeze, crying, "God save liberty and my country for- 
ever." After the enemy had retired discomfited, Gover- 
nor Eutledge, in presence of the whole regiment, took his 
sword from his side and with his own hand presented it 
to Jasper. 

He offered him a commission also, but this high heroic 
soul declined it. He was only one of God's noblemen 
and modestly said : "I am greatly obliged to you Gover- 
nor, but I had rather not have a commission ; as I am, I 
pass very well with such company as a poor sergeant has a 
right to keep. If I took a commission, I should be forced 
to keep higher company, and then, as I don't know how 
to read, I should only be putting myself in a way to be 
laughed at." 

The fair daughters of Charleston were also gathered 
there to thank their brave defenders, and Mrs. Colonel 



TIDE OF BATTLE FLOWS SOTJTHWAKD. 175 

Elliot presented the regiment with fresh colors, em- 
broidered in gold and silver with her own hand. They 
were delivered to Jasper, who "vowed never to give them 
up but with his life." 

Now, under the fatal walls of Savannah, he made good 
his vow. Through all that day of carnage Jasper had 
remained unhurt, but when the retreat was sounded he 
rushed forward to seize and bring off his colors, when a 
fatal ball entered his lungs. 

In an old time-worn book, a specimen of the southern 
literature of more than half a century ago, entitled 
"Weems and Horry's Life of Marion," may be found a 
page or two, describing the death of this brave man. It 
has an exquisite touch of poetry and pathos, equal to any- 
thing that ever fell from the pen of Dickens, albeit the 
death of " Poor Joe " or " Little Paul." Thus : 

"As he passed by me with the colors in his hand, I 
observed he had a bad limp in his walk. 

" 'You are not much hurt, I hope, Jasper,' said I. 

" ' Yes, Major, I believe I've got my furlough.' 

" ' Pshaw,' quoth I, ' furlough for what ? ' 

" ' Why to go home, to Heaven, I hope.' 

"His words made such an impression on me, that as 
soon as duty permitted I went to see him. As I entered 
the tent, he lifted his eyes to me, but their fire was almost 
quenched. Stretching his feeble hand he said, with per- 
fect tranquillity: 'Well, Major, I told you I had got my 
furlough.' 

" 'I hope not,' I replied. 

"'0, yes! I am going, and very fast too; but thank 
God, I am not afraid to go.' 

"I told him, I knew he was too brave to fear death, and 
too honest to be alarmed about its consequences. 

"'Why as to that matter, sir, I won't brag; but I 
have my hopes. I am but a poor ignorant body, but 
somehow or other I have always built my hopes of what 



176 TIDE OF BATTLE FLOWS SOUTHWARD. 

God may do for me hereafter, on what he has done for ni3 
here.' 

"I told him I thought he was correct in that. 

" ' Now, Major, here's the way I comfort myself. Fifty 
years ago (I say to myself) I was nothing, and had no 
thought that there was any such grand and beautiful 
world as this. But, notwithstanding, there ivas such a 
world, and here God has brought me into it. Now can't 
He in fifty years more, or indeed in fifty minutes more, 
bring me into another world, as much above this as this 
is above that state of nothing in which I was fifty years 
ago?' 

"I told him I thought it was a very happy way of 
reasoning, and such as suited the goodness and greatness 
of God. 

" ' I think so, Major, and I trust I shall find it so,' he 
continued ; ' though I have been a man of blood, yet, 
thank God, I have always lived with an eye to that great 
hope. My mother was a good woman, and when I sat, a 
child, on her knee, she talked to me of God, and told me 
it was God who built this great world, with all its riches 
and good things, and not for Himself but for me ! and 
that if I would but do His will, in that only acceptable 
way — a good life — he would do still greater and better 
things for me hereafter. These things went so deep into 
my heart, Major, that they never could be taken away from 
me. I have hardly ever gone to bed or got up again 
without my prayers. I have honored my father and 
mother, and, thank God, I have been strictly honest." 

" He continued, with tears in his eyes and with much 
effort, that he had a good hope he was going where he 
should not do what he had been obliged to do in this 
world. 

" *' I 've killed men in my time, Major, but not in malice, 
but in what I thought a just war for my country; and as 
I bore no malice against those I killed, neither do I bear 



TIDE OF BATTLE FLOWS SOUTHWARD. 177 

any against those who have killed me ; and I heartily trust 
in God, for Christ's sake, that we shall one day meet 
together where we shall forgive, and love one another 
like brothers. And now, my good friend, as I have but a 
little time to live, I beg you will do a few things for me 
when I am gone. 

" 'You see that sword — it is the one Governor Rutledge 
presented to me for my services at Fort Moultrie— give 
that sword to my father, and tell him I never dishonored 
it. If he should weep for me, tell him his son died in 
hope of a better life. 

" 'If you should see that great gentlewoman, Mrs. Elliot, 
tell her I lost my life in saving the colors she gave to our 
regiment. And if you should come across poor Jones and 
his wife and little boy, tell them Jasper is gone ; but the 
remembrance of the hard battle which he once fought for 
their sakes, brought a secret joy to his heart just as it was 
about to stop its motion forever.' * He spoke these last 
words in a livelier tone than before ; but it was like the 
last kindling of the taper in its oilless socket; instantly 
the paleness of death overspread his face — he sank back 
and expired." 

Lincoln led the remnants of his maimed and shattered 
army into Charleston. Reinforcements from the Carolinas 
and Virginia, with large military stores and provisions, were 
crowded into a city which could not be defended. The 
brave men industriously strengthened its fortifications ; it 
was but to build their own graves. 

In January of 1780, Sir Henry Clinton had sailed from 
New York with eight thousand five hundred men, fully 
equipped. He encountered outrageous storms ; his ord- 
nance-ship foundered ; of his transports, many were either 
captured or lost, and his cavalry horses all perished. It 

* He had, at fearful odds, rescued them from the murderous hands 
of a brutal soldiery, and saved their lives. 



178 TIDE OF BATTLE FLOWS SOUTHWARD. 

was the end of February before the fleet reassembled off 
the island of Tybee. Clinton found his whole force in 
Georgia and Carolina, not far from ten thousand, and, so 
soon as he could remount his cavalry, be commenced a 
cautious and leisurely March along the coast into South 
Carolina, firmly establishing his posts as he advanced. 
April 9th, his fleet gained the harbor of Charleston with- 
out loss, and on the 10th of April he summoned Lincoln 
to surrender. 



XX.— 1780. 
THE SCOUKGE OF THE CAEOLINAS. 

THERE accompanied Clinton on this expedition an 
officer of exceptional military genius, who was 
speedily to become the scourge and terror of these un- 
happy provinces. Some critics have pronounced him a 
presentiment of the new system of military tactics — tak- 
ing Brad dock and the Howes as representatives of the 
old. "Tarleton's operations were characteristic of that 
new system, which gained fresh spirit during the French 
Ee volution, and afterwards distinguished Napoleon I."* 

Yet the same elements have characterized all great 
soldiers,— Alexander, Csesar, Gaston de Foix, Adolphus, 
Marlborough, and Morgan.' That fine equipoise of judg- 
ment and daring — swiftness, celerity, suppleness, inge- 
nuity, ubiquity — persistent sledge-hammer blows, as long 
and as many as needful to accomplish a result, adjourning 
sleep and food, and filling the twenty-four hours with 
valors. 

Tarleton needed only a great opportunity and unlimited 
command. "Well for our cause he was only a colonel, and 
but poorly generaled. It must be said that he was utterly 
without the quality of mercy. A few specimens of his 
work will best illustrate the worker. We left Lincoln 
penned up in Charleston, with all the military resources 
of the Carolinas, having been, on April 10th, summoned 
by Clinton to surrender. The city was almost completely 
invested ; but the American cavalry, under General Huger 

* Carrington's " Battles of the American Revolution." 



180 THE SCOUKGE OF THE CAROLINAS. 

and Colonel Washington, both fine officers, held a position 
at Monk's Corner, thirty miles above Charleston, which 
maintained a communication with the upper country for 
supplies for the garrison, and covered a way of retreat out 
of the city. 

A swift night march, April 12th, and Tarleton had 
them in his grip. Huger and Washington fled to the 
swamp and secreted themselves, as did all who could. 

Tarleton took a hundred prisoners — officers, dragoons 
and huzzars — fifty wagons of clothing, ammunition, etc., 
and, most valuable of all to the British at that time, four 
hundred horses, with equipments. He also took posses- 
sion of the ferry and all the boats. This completed the 
investment of Charleston. British loss — one officer and 
two men wounded, and five horses killed." * 

May Gth, Tarleton totally surprised an American de- 
tachment under Colonels Washington and White, at 
Lenew's Ferry. — " Resistance and slaughter soon ceased." 
The two colonels saved themselves this time by swimming. 
American loss — five officers and thirty-six men killed and 
wounded ; seven officers and sixty dragoons prisoners, 
with all the horses, arms and equipments. Tarleton 
lost two dragoons and four horses, but, returning to 
Lord Cornwallis' camp the same evening, twenty horses 
expired with fatigue. More of this kind of work in its 
place. 

Charleston passed to the British May 12th, 1780. By 
including all the male adults, old and infirm, in his list, 
Clinton could report five thousand prisoners. The spoil 
was not less than a million and a half in our money. The 
British army became a band of plunderers, and "the divi- 
dend of a major-general was four thousand guineas."! 

The negroes were the most valuable part of this spoil. 
The slaves of rebels, not excepting those who threw them- 
selves upon the British for protection, were immediately 
* Tarleton 's Campaign. f Bancroft, Vol. X. 



THE SCOUEGE OP THE CAROLINAS. 181 

shipped to the West Indies, where they brought a high 
price. 

A ban of indiscriminate confiscation was prepared for 
the whole country. Protection could only be obtained in 
return for unconditional and active loyalty. Clinton de- 
termined to crush out the spirit of liberty, and compel 
every man, capable of bearing arms, into British service. 

The male inhabitants of the various districts were en- 
rolled, and either British or tory officers (far more dreaded 
of the two), were appointed, " with civil as well as mili- 
tary powers." All over forty years of age, were to preserve 
the king's authority at home ; all under that age, were to 
serve six months of the year in the royal armies. The 
Carolinas were to become a vast British camp. 

After the issue of this proclamation, any Carolinian 
taken in arms, was liable to death for desertion and bear- 
ing arms against his country. Lord Eawdon, in command 
on the San tee, issued the following order : "If any per- 
son shall meet a soldier straggling, and shall not secure 
him, or spread an alarm for that purpose; or if any person 
shall shelter or guide a soldier straggling, they shall be 
punished by whipping, imprisonment or be sent to serve 
in the West Indies. I will give ten guineas for the head 
of any deserter belonging to the volunteers of Ireland, and 
five guineas only, if they bring him in alive." Thus were 
these proud and high-spirited people forced to become the 
agents of their own subjection. 

Stunned by their military disasters and by the savage 
cruelty of their oppressors, their energies were for the 
time paralyzed — yet the people of the Carolinas remained 
unconquered. 

Clinton sent a detachment to strengthen Augusta ; an- 
other to Ninety-six, and a third under Cornwallis to 
Camden. These important posts held the two States, 
Georgia and South Carolina, in present subjection. 

The only armed American force yet in the field was a 



182 THE SCOUUGE OF THE CAROLINAS. 

portion of the Virginia line, which arrived too late to join 
the garrison in Charleston, and they had retreated north- 
ward toward North Carolina. Tarleton was dispatched 
after them, May 29th. He forced a march of one hundred 
and five miles in fifty-four hours, and came up with them 
on the borders of the State. " Colonel Buford, with about 
one hundred, saved themselves by a precipitate flight, the 
rest sued for quarter, but one hundred and fifteen were 
killed on the spot, a hundred and fifty were too badly 
hacked to be moved ; only fifty-three could be brought 
away as prisoners." * 

Tarleton's own account of it is : " One hundred officers 
and men killed and wounded, two hundred prisoners, 
fifty-five barrels of powder, and twenty-six wagons of 
clothing, arms and camp-equipage, with a British loss of 
sixteen killed and wounded and thirty-one horses." 

Sir Henry Clinton announced that Tarleton " had killed, 
wounded, and taken prisoner, more than his own force." 
Cornwallis in his despatches to the ministry writes : " I 
add the highest encomiums of Lieutenant-Colonel Tarle- 
ton. It will give me most sensible satisfaction to hear that 
your Excellency has obtained for him some distinguished 
mark of His Majesty's favor." f 

The people of America called it a cold-blooded massacre, 
and " Tarleton's quarters" became a by-word of horror. 

General Clinton now returned to New York and left 
Cornwallis and Tarleton to complete the subjugation of 
the South. Their cruelty was overdone and worked the 
other way. Marion rejoiced when he heard of the suffer- 
ings of the people ; "'tis a harsh medicine, but it is neces^ 
sary. Our country is like a man who has swallowed a 
mortal poison, and unless they are well worked and scoured 
of their partiality to the English, they are lost." 

In Congress, Houston, the delegate from Georgia, said : 
"Our misfortunes are, under God, the source of our 
* Bancroft, Vol. X. f Tarleton's Campaign. 



THE SCOUEGE OF THE CAEOLINAS. 183 

safety." The people, wrought up to fury and desperation, 
and compelled to fight, now rallied to the standards of 
their own country. 

The fall of Charleston had reverberated like a sound of 
doom over the land. Not since the fall of Ticonderoga 
had the cause of the republic received so severe a blow ; — 
" but worse remained behind." 

Washington had detached southward from his army, 
the splendid continental brigade of Maryland and Dela- 
ware troops, under the able General De Kalb. 

General Greene solicited from Washington the command 
of the Southern Department, and would have obtained 
it, but Congress ignoring his preference and still " joined 
to its idol," appointed General Gates, whose " high blown 
pride was so soon to break under him." It was a fatal 
amendment to the judicious appointment of the modest, 
brave, and experienced De Kalb. Not only so, but they 
unhandsomely made Gates independent of the commander- 
in-chief. He was to receive orders from and report only 
to Congress. It might have been his own stipulation. 
He was destined, however, to a brief and inglorious career, 
with the large authority granted him by that body. In 
two short months he had the infelicity to report to Con- 
gress from the ignominious field of Camden, "Head- 
quarters in the saddle," — flying. 



Gates had received the announcement of his appoint- 
ment to the Southern Department at his home in Virginia, 
June 1780. 

His first thought was to obtain Morgan's services, and 
he immediately solicited of Congress a commission for him 
as Brigadier General in the continental service. 

Shortly before this, he had sought an interview with 
Morgan, when the cause of their estrangement was re- 



184 THE SCOURGE OF THE CAROLINAS. 

viewed. Morgan proudly reminded him of the services 
he had performed during the campaign of Burgoyne, and 
of their importance in compelling his surrender. He 
reminded Gates of the ingratitude and injustice of not 
even naming him in his official account of that most 
momentous affair of the war. 

What amends Gates could make, he attempted, and 
Morgan from that time, with his usual magnanimity, dis- 
missed the matter from his mind and accepted Gates' 
overtures of friendship. 

Congress, however, recalled Morgan into the service as 
Colonel only; hut to his eternal honor he asserted his 
dignity by declining to go. Besides the sense of injustice 
he felt, a weighty reason for this course remained. The 
Southern States had been divided into military districts, 
in each of which, officers had been appointed by State 
authority. He would be outranked by these, and subject 
continually to the orders of his inferiors in military ex- 
perience and ability. Throughout his whole previous 
career, except when acting under the commander-in-chief, 
Morgan had contended with this disadvantage, — so "no 
more of that." His health also, though much improved, 
was far from re-established. 

Gates was fain to go without him and fight his own 
battle. Conceit and self-assurance went with him, how- 
ever ; the blind led the blind. On his way through Vir- 
ginia he met his old friend Lee, the traitor, now in private 
life, who warned Gates that he would find Cornwallis a 
tough piece of English beef. " Tough, sir," replied Gates, 
" tough ! then begad I'll tender him. I'll make pilos of 
him in three hours after I set eyes upon him." 

"Aye! will you, indeed," returned Lee ; "then send 
for me and I will come and help you eat him." 

Gates smiled an adieu and rode off, but Lee called after 
him : " Take care, Gates, take care, lest your Northern 
laurels turn to Southern willows." 



THE SCOURGE OF THE CAEOLINAS. 185 

" Gates, though a Chesterfield at court, was but a Paris 
in camp. He was of that fool-hardy and crazy-brained 
quality to whom it is a misfortune to be fortunate. He 
could never bring himself to believe that Lord Cornwallis 
would ' dare to look him in the face.' So confident was he 
of victory that en the morning before the fatal day of 
Camden he ordered Marion and myself [Horry] to hasten 
to Santee river, and destroy every scow, boat, and canoe, 
that could assist an Englishman in his flight toward 
Charleston."* 

Gates, in superseding De Kalb, had declined to take his 
counsel, and instead of proceeding by the way De Kalb 
and his officers advised, through a salubrious and well- 
provisioned country, he led his army through a pine 
barren where they were fain to feed upon unripe peaches 
and green corn, with molasses and water for beverage. 
They marched under a July sun, and upon arriving near 
Camden, were fitter for the hospital than the battle-field. 

Marion and Horry, before departing, presented them- 
selves to take leave of the brave old De Kalb, with whom 
tliey had been serving as aids, and between whom a warm 
friendship had sprung up. The good old man said : " I 
part with you with the more regret, because I feel a pre- 
sentiment that we part to meet no more." 

" 'We hoped for better things.' 

" ' 0, no,' he replied, l it is impossible. War is a game, 
and has its fixed rules. To-morrow, it seems, the die is to 
be cast, and, in my judgment, without the least chance on 
our side. The militia will, I suppose, as usual, play the 
back game — that is, get out of the scrape as fast as their 
legs can carry them. But that, you know, won't do for 
me. I am an old soldier and cannot run ; and I believe 
I have some brave fellows with me who will stand by me 
till the last. When you hear of our battle, you will prob- 
ably hear that your old friend De Kalb is at rest.' 

* Horry and Weems' Life of Marion. 



186 THE SCOUKGE OF THE CAROLINAS. 

" I looked at Marion, and the tears stood in his eyes. De 
Kalb saw it, and taking us by the hand, with a look of ani- 
mation, said : ' No, gentlemen, no emotions for me but those 
of congratulation. I am happy. To die is the irrevocable 
decree for all ; then what joy to be able to meet death 
without dismay ! This, thank God, is my case. The 
happiness of man is my wish — that happiness I deem in- 
consistent with slavery. To avert so great an evil from 
an innocent people. I will gladly meet the British to-- 
morrow, at any odds whatever.' 

" As he spoke, I saw something in his look which 
demonstrated the divinity of virtue and the immortality 
of the soul." 



Tarleton was a good critic as well as a good fighter, 
lie points out in his " Campaign," Lincoln's mistake of 
shutting himself up in Charleston to be captured, instead 
of doing as Washington did "when he abandoned New 
York for the Jerseys and yielded Philadelphia to the 
English, as a contrary course would have unavoidably re- 
established the sovereignty of Great Britain in America." 

Of Gates, he said : " He had not sufficient penetration 
to perceive that by a forced march up the creek, he could 
have passed Lord Eawdon's flank and reached Camden, 
which would have been an easy conquest and a fatal blow 
to the British, for their hospital, baggage, provisions and 
ammunition were there under a weak guard." 

Instead of this, Gates made an unmeaning halt of two 
days, which enabled the British to reinforce and secure a 
favorable position. On the night of the fifteenth of Au- 
gust, at ten o'clock, Gates put 'his army on the march, 
and at two next morning they stumbled upon the British, 
advancing to meet them. 

The advance of Gates' army were militia, who had never 



THE SCOURGE OF THE CAROLIKAS. 187 

" paraded together before." Some shots were exchanged, 
but both sides adjourned action until daylight. Besides 
the detachment under Marion to destroy the boats on the 
Santee, Sumter had come into camp with four hundred 
men and asked for four hundred more to intercept a 
British convoy of stores and provisions on the road from 
Charleston to the camp at Camden. It was granted. 

Gates found himself with but three thousand and fifty, 
fit for duty. He pompously exclaimed ; " These are 
enough for our purpose." Cornwallis had less than two 
thousand. 

Gates had no plan of battle, and took his own place 
well in the rear. De Kalb, at the last moment, advised 
that the army should fall back to Rugley's Mills, where 
they could occupy an excellent position and await the 
British attack. 

Gates not only rejected the counsel, but hinted that it 
was prompted by cowardice ; whereupon the brave old 
General leaped from his horse and, placing himself at the 
head of his command, retorted with warmth : " Well, sir ! 
a few hours will let us see who are the brave." 

Gates issued no order for the battle to begin ; one of 
his officers suggested that the brigade of Stevens' militia, 
the weakest of the army, should attack ; but Cornwallis' 
very best troops, under the able Colonel Webster, were 
thrown against them, and the battle really commenced 
with the flight of the militia ; Tarleton, with his cavalry, 
pursued them thirty miles, cutting them down without 
mercy. Gates fled with them, nor did he halt until he 
reached Hillsborough, North Carolina, and it was said 
"that he killed three horses in his flight." 

The flying wing composed two-thirds of the army. De 
Kalb and his Maryland and Delaware troops remained 
to save American honor. The whole British army now 
turned upon them. Never was better fighting done, and 
the British lost nearly five hundred before the Americans 



18S THE SCOURGE OF THE CAROLINAS. 

yielded. De Kail) fell, pierced by eleven wounds. He 
died, a few days after, a prisoner, but "the unconquered 
friend of liberty." 

A British officer condoled with him for his misfortune ; 
he replied: "I thank yon, sir, for your generous sym- 
pathy, but I die the death I always prayed for — the death 
of a soldier fighting for the rights of man." 

By all accounts, both British and American, Gates had 
done everything in his power to ensure the victory of Corn- 
wallis. The omission and the commission were perfect. In 
a letter from General Nash of North Carolina to Washing- 
ton, immediately after the disaster of Camden, he re- 
views the situation. The oppressed people were just 
beginning to lift up their heads after the fall of Charles- 
ton. De Kalb's army had advanced to Pedee Eiver, and 
by this had recovered from the enemy one of the most 
fruitful regions of the State. Besides this, the militia of 
the two States, under their leaders — Marion, Sumter, 
Pickens, and Williams, had had nine several skirmishes 
with the enemy, and had been successful in all. Affairs 
were beginning to wear a most favorable aspect, had not 
Gates rashly decided to risk the fate of the two Carolinas 
on a single battle. " I think I am justified in saying that 
he put all to risk, — because no previous effectual measures 
were taken to save the baggage ; nor do I learn that any 
place was assigned for the army to retreat to in case of mis- 
fortune. At the flight of the militia, if the regulars had 
been ordered to retreat to Eugley's Mills, five miles in their 
rear, possibly all might have been saved. I am told that 
with one hundred men the pass could have been defended 
against the whole British army. * * * * Sir, we had 
expended upwards of twenty-five millions of dollars on that 
army ; we had drained every source and exhausted every 
fund in purchasing tents, wagons, horses, arms, ammuni- 
tion, provisions, spirits, sugar, coffee, camp-equipage — in 
short, everything appertaining to an army, and in a single 



THE SCOURGE OF THE CAROLINES. 189 

half hour all was completely lost and the army annihilated. 
The militia scattered to their homes, spreading terror as 
they went ; the regulars retreated on after their General 
to Hillsborough, two hundred and fifty miles from the 
place of action, where General Gates arrived three days 
after the hattle, leaving all the country open to the rav- 
ages of the enemy." * 

The vanquished General, though only required to report 
to Congress, reported a few days afterward to the com- 
mander-in-chief : " If I am yet to render good service to 
the United States, it will be necessary it should be seen 
that I have the support of Congress and your Excellency, 
otherwise some may think they please my superiors by 
blaming me, and thus recommend themselves to favor. 
But you, sir, will be too generous to lend an ear to such 
men, if such there be, and will show your greatness of 
soul rather by protecting than slighting the unfortu- 
nate." f 

But the disaster did not finish with the day of Camden. 
Tarleton, returning from the pursuit of Gates' flying 
army, learned that Sumter had intercepted and captured 
the convoy of forty wagons of British supplies and taken 
a hundred prisoners. Sumter, havng heard of the defeat 
of Gates, had retreated up the Wateree. Tarleton was 
quickly upon his track. Sumter, supposing, probably, 
that the British cavalry would take a day of rest after the 
battle, and having himself made a march of forty miles, 
halted at the midday heat, for his own rest and refreshment 
and fell fast asleep in the shade of a wagon. Tarleton, by 
forced marches, pounced suddenly upon them, dispersed 
and destroyed the detachment, killing one hundred and 
fifty on the spot, taking three hundred prisoners, releasing 
all the British and tory prisoners, and recovering all the 
wagons Sumter had captured. Tarleton lost one officer 

* Sparks' Cor. with Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 110. 
f Sparks' Cor. with Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 76. 



190 THE SCOURGE # OF THE CAROLINES. 

and twenty-nine killed and wounded. Comwallis, report- 
ing this affair, says : " This action is too brilliant to need 
any comment of mine, aud will, I doubt not, highly 
recommend Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton to his Majesty's 
favor."* 

This was Sumter's first encounter with Tarleton. 
" Two days after, he rode into Charlotte alone, without 
hat or saddle." f 

* Tarleton' s Campaign, p. 138. \ Bancroft, Vol. X. 




WASHINGTON. SUMTER. 

PARTISAN LEADERS OF THE SOUTH. 



XXI— 1780. 
PATEIOT LEADEES OF THE SOUTH. 

CORNWALLIS now felt himself at liberty to dispatch, 
to the ministry that Georgia and the Carolinas were 
" British once more." In their eyes he was the one man 
" on whom rested the hopes of the ministry for the suc- 
cessful termination of the war." 

He, with Tarleton, had decided that an iron yoke should 
be put upon the people of the South. He ordered com- 
manders of all posts "to imprison all who would not 
take up arms for the king, and to seize or destroy their 
whole property. Any militia man who had borne arms 
with the British, and afterward joined the Americans, 
should be hanged immediately." 

His underlings, tory and British, all through jM State, 
bettered by his instructions. They patrolled tMe coun ay 
far and near, — burned, ravaged, and put to d/eath whon 
they would. / 

"In violation of agreements, the Continental soldien 
who capitulated at Charleston, nineteen /hundred h 
number, were transferred to wretched prisori ships, when 
they were joined by hundreds more, taken sit Camden. 

In thirteen months, one-third of them hM perished by 
malignant fevers. Others were impresse-d into British 
naval service, or taken by violence on board transports and 
forced to serve in British regiments in Jamaica. Of more 
than three thousand, all but seven hundred were thus 
made way with." 



192 PATRIOT LEADERS OF THE SOUTH. 

Yet the South remained unconquered, and moved for- 
ward to her independence through the bitterest sorrows of 
civil war. Members of the same families were arrayed 
against each other; neighbors outlawed and savagely 
butchered each other; the land blazed with burning 
homesteads ; women and children, reared in luxury, were 
driven from their homes and shivered half clad beside for- 
est fires, while large rewards were offered by the British 
authorities to those who should inform of the place of 
concealment of cattle, horses, negroes, plate, bonds and 
deeds, of the patriots of the Carolinas. 

Of South Carolina, Bancroft says: "Left to her own 
resources, it was through bloodshed and devastation, and 
the depths of wretchedness, that her citizens were to bring 
her back to her place in the Republic, by their own heroic 
courage and self-devotion, having suffered more, and dared 
more, and achieved more, than the men of any other State ! " 

They rallied to the standards of their patriot leaders : 
Williams, Davidson, Pickens, Davie, Sumter, and, most 
illustrious of all, Francis Marion. 

Of rich Huguenot blood, he represented the virtues of 

three generations, and his name deserves to stand next to 

those «- r -"Morgan, Stark and Wayne, among the great field 

pxecutives^of the Revolution. He was small in stature, of 

lelicate physique, and gentle to tenderness. Armed with 

ill knightly virtues of courage, truth and honor, he proved 

himself the friend and protector of the weak and op- 

y^;&ressecl ; he wept with the weeping mothers, widows and 

-S^rphans of his suffering country, and drew to himself the 

ppSove and confiq ence f a n 



ig Soon after ti ie f a r] f Charleston, Sumter had hovered 



/ 



ground the Brit'.g^ cam p so much to their annoyance that 
'Cornwallis dispatched Tarleton to destroy him, saying : 
" Sumter has ce»t a j n ]y been our greatest plague in this 
country." He wa &00U} however, forced to recall Tarleton 
to deal with a stih more war y antagonist. 



PATKIOT LEADEBS OF THE SOUTH. 193 

"Colonel Marion," wrote Cornwallis, "so wrought on 
the minds of the people, that there was scarcely an in- 
habitant between the Pedee and the Santee that was not 
in arms against us. They even crossed the Santee and 
carried terror to the gates of Charleston. They are the 
same stuff as compose all Americans." 

To Tarleton, Cornwallis wrote : " I most sincerely hope 
you will get at Mr. Marion. I am always sanguine where 
you are concerned." * 

Tarleton himself pays tribute to the "zeal and ability of 
Mr. Marion," for with all his skill and cunning he failed to 
trap him. 

He was soon again recalled to attend to Sumter, who 
had just defeated a British detachment under Weymes, 
and Cornwallis writes: "I wish you would get three 
legions and divide yourself into three parts. We can do 
nothing without you." This time Tarleton advanced 
swiftly, but cautiously, upon Sumter, who, though su- 
perior in numbers, promptly retired, and intrenched his 
force in good position, using some log-houses for barri- 
cades. Nothing daunted by his disadvantage of numbers, 
Tarleton followed boldly, and at last, leaving his infantry 
behind, he made an unexpected push with only one hun- 
dred and seventy cavalry and eighty mounted men. Com- 
ing up with them, he attacked vigorously. The Amer- 
icans inflicted heavy loss upon the enemy, but, unfortu- 
nately, Sumter was severely wounded early in the action, 
and the whole band retreated, and even thought it wise to 
disperse for the time. Both claimed the victory. Corn- 
wallis makes his acknowledgments to Tarleton in these 
words : " I will not tire you with a repetition of my obli- 
gations to you. I trust you will find that I shall never 
forget them." To the British ministry he wrote : "It is 
not easy for Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton to add to the 
reputation he has acquired in this province. With a small 
* Tarleton's Campaigns. i 

9 



194 PATRIOT LEADERS OF THE SOUTH. 

force of cavalry lie pursued and defeated Sumter, who 
had a thousand men, sheltered in log-houses, in a strong 
position. This action is a proof of that spirit, and those 
talents, which must render the most efficient service to 
his country."' * 

On the approach of Gates' army to Camden, Marion had 
come into his camp with his tatterdemalion militia bri- 
gade. As his men were hatless, Marion "took part with 
his brethren," and marched hatless at their head. 

They and their commander drew forth only the scorn 
of that fine gentleman Gates, who had no instinct to dis- 
cover either ability or nobility in honorable rags. Marion, 
who knew the heart of the militiamen, and knew how to 
fight and conquer with them, might have saved the day at 
Camden, in spite of Gates ; but that no-general sent 
Marion, with Major Horry, on the useless errand of de- 
stroying the bridges and boats behind the British to pre- 
vent their escape. After Gates' defeat, Marion waylaid a 
British guard, who were conducting some of the continen- 
tal prisoners from Camden to Charleston, dispersed them, 
and released the captives. 

Learning the utter rout and destruction of Gates' army 
and the prostration of the cause, Marion sounded his 
signals, assembled his little band of faithful hearts about 
him, and thus addressed them: "Well, gentlemen, you see 
our situation. Our peaceful land filled with uproar and 
death, while foreign ruffians, braving us up to our very 
fire-sides and altars, leave us no alternative but slavery or 
death. Two gallant armies have marched to our assist- 
ance ; but for lack of competent commanders, both have 
been lost. That under General Lincoln, after having been 
duped and butchered at Savannah, was at last completely 
trapped at Charleston. That under General Gates, hav- 
ing been imprudently overmarched, is now cut up at 
Camden. Thus are all our hopes from the north entirely 
* Tarleton's Campaigns. 



PATRIOT LEADERS OF THE SOUTH. 195 

at an end, and poor Carolina is left to shift for herself. 
And now, my countrymen, I want to know your minds. 
As to my own, that has been long made up. I consider 
my life is hut a moment, and to fill that moment with 
duty is my all. While I live, my country shall never be 
enslaved. She may come to that wretched state for what 
I know, but my eyes shall never behold it. Never shall 
she clank her chains in my ears, and pointing to the 
ignominious badge exclaim: It was your cowardice that 
brought me to this!" 

We are tempted to clip another page from the quaint 
eloquence of his biographer and brother in arms: 

" The Washington of the South, Marion steadily pur- 
sued the warfare most safe for us, and most fatal to our 
enemies. He taught us to sleep in the swamps, to feed 
on roots, to drink the turbid waters of the ditch, and to 
prowl nightly round the encampments of the foe, like 
lions round the habitations of those who had slaughtered 
their cubs. Sometimes he taught us to fall upon the 
enemy by surprise, distracting the midnight hour with 
the horrors of our battle ; at other times, when our forces 
were increased, he led us on boldly to the charge, hewing 
the enemy to pieces under the approving light of day. 
Marion, my friend ! my friend ! although thy wars 
are all ended, and thyself at rest in the grave, yet I see 
thee still. I see thee as thou wert wont to ride, most 
terrible in battle to the enemies of thy country. Thine 
eyes, like balls of fire, flamed beneath thy lowering brows. 
But lovely still wert thou in mercy, thou bravest among 
the sons of men ! For soon as the enemy, sinking under 
our swords, cried for quarter, thy heart swelled with com- 
miseration, and thy countenance was changed, even as 
the countenance of a man who beheld the slaughter of 
his brothers. The basest tory who could but touch the 
hem of thy garment, was safe. The avengers of blood 
stopped short in thy presence, and turned away abashed 



19G PATRIOT LEADERS OF THE SOUTH. 

from the lightning of thine eyes. that my pen were 
of the quill of the swan that sings for future days, then 
shouldst thou, my friend, receive the fulness of thy fame." 

From this time, date the tactics of this marvellously 
elastic brigade, which sometimes numbered twenty and 
sometimes twelve hundred, as the emergency demanded, 
and as they wielded, by turns, the hoe or the sword. 

The government was powerless to maintain military 
magazines, commissariat, or hospital ; without clothes, 
shelter, rations or pay, this patriot band marched and 
counter-marched, advanced and retreated, disbanded and 
re-assembled, maneuvred and dissolved, visible or invisible, 
as by magic. Every swamp furnished them with a natural 
hiding-place, whence they suddenly emerged upon their 
enemy, struck a swift blow, and retired to their fastness 
from superior forces. 

The number and value of these skirmishes with the 
enemy, escape the page of history, and can never be told. 
Marion foiled *or defeated, in turn, the ablest officers of 
Cornwallis, sent to stop his career, and utterly baffled 
Tarleton by eluding Mm. When Greene's army was driven 
before Cornwallis, out of North Carolina, Marion swept 
down and harassed his posts in the rear, capturing con- 
voys, and breaking their communications with Charleston. 

Scorn upon any and all insinuations against the valor 
of the Southern militia of the Revolution. They rendered 
splendid service, and in the best possible way suited to 
their circumstances. While every field action of the 
regular army in the Carolinas, except Cowpens, was 
attended by disaster and a measure of disgrace, these 
patriot militia leaders, and their followers, harried and 
worried the British out of their borders ; and the forces 
of Sumter and Marion swept the country to the very 
gates of Charleston. Let Guilford Court-House, Hob- 
kirk's Hill, Ninety-six, and Eutaw Springs confess. 

As soon as the British evacuated the city of Charleston, 



PATRIOT LEADERS OF THE SOUTH. 197 

Marion sheathed his sword, disbanded his faithful comrades 
with the tenderness of a brother, and went back in poverty 
to his plough, "one of the purest men, truest patriots and 
most adroit Generals that American History can boast." 
Valiant in war, he was also wise in the councils of peace. 
He afterward sat in the senate of his State, and assisted 
in framing its constitution. 

His reinains enrich the soil of St. John's parish, South 
Carolina, and " a plain oblong tomb, gift of a private 
citizen," marks the sacred spot. 

Meantime the hot August breath of that calamitous day 
of Camden, bearing on its wings the groans of a lost cause 
and a prostrate people, swept up through the valley of 
Virginia and came to Morgan's ears. He could no longer 
hold back ; the cause needed every patriot heart and 
hand to the rescue. To the voice of wailing from the 
banks of Southern savannahs, was added the spur of the 
odious treason just enacted on the banks of the Hudson. 
Nor did he stand upon the order of his going, but to his 
eternal honor, he went at once, as Colonel Morgan. In 
September 1780, accompanied by an escort of young gentle- 
men who desired to serve with him, Morgan rode into 
Gates' camp at Hillsborough, and reported for duty. 



XXIL— 1780. 
THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS— No. 2. 

CORNWALLIS' ambition extended from Georgia to 
the waters of the Chesapeake. This much he had 
promised to restore to the British crown. He had fortified 
and garrisoned the strong interior posts of Camden, 
Winnsborough, Ninety-Six, and Augusta. With a chain 
of inferior posts below, on the Santeeancl Wateree, the rich 
and fertile country was secured to them. He held, also, 
the seacoast from Charleston to Savannah. 

The excessive heat of summer being passed, Cornwallis 
thought he might now venture his advance into North 
Carolina. But the avenger was on his track. 

During the summer, British agents had stirred up the 
Cherokee tribes ; their chiefs had come down to Augusta 
to meet those agents and receive the presents which were 
to spur their zeal in their murderous work. 

Colonel Clarke, a fugitive patriot from Georgia, with a 
company of riflemen, assisted by a band of backwoodsmen, 
attacked and defeated the garrison under Colonel Brown, 
at Augusta, captured the presents and drove the savages 
back to their lair. 

Colonel Furguson, commander of the British post of 
Ninety-Six, and next to Tarleton in audacity and cruelty, 
moved out to way-lay and capture this American detach- 
ment. 

He fell in with a party of North Carolina militia, under 
McDowall, whom he pursued and scattered at the foot of 
the Alleghanies, where Tennessee and the Carolinas meet. 
The fugitives sought refuge among the dwellers in the 
uplands, and recounted the sorrows of the plains below 




RXES10M" 
'" T - MOULTRIE MAP OP 

OPERATIONS IN 

VIRGINIA, 

NORTH CAROLINA, 

S. CAROLINA, 

AND GEORGIA. 

American Routes. II 

Mrkish Routes. DO 



THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS — NO. 2. 199 

to the liberty-loving sons of the forests, " among whom 
slavery was scarcely known." The story of the anguish 
and desolations of an innocent people, touched the springs 
of sympathy in the hearts of these backwoodsmen. 

The spirit of the mountains woke — the spirit of liberty ; 
and these brave hearts and strong hands resolved to leave 
their homes, descend from the highlands, and strike one 
blow in the cause of humanity. The men of the Watauga 
Valley ranged themselves under the leadership of Isaac 
Shelby and John Sevier, subsequently first governors of 
Kentucky and Tennessee. Colonel Campbell, of south- 
west Virginia, brother-in-law of Patrick Henry, hearing of 
this movement, joined them with four hundred militia. 

Colonel Cleaveland, of North Carolina, with his regi- 
ment and the fugitives under McDowall, repaired to the 
appointed rendezvous at Watauga, September 25th, 1780. 

" On the next day, each man mounted on his own horse, 
armed with his own rifle, and carrying his own store of 
provisions, began the ride over the mountains, where the 
passes through the Alleghanies are the highest. Not even 
a bridle-path led through the forest, nor was there a house 
for forty miles between the Watauga and the Catawba. 
The men left their families in secluded valleys, distant one 
from the other, exposed not only to parties of royalists 
but of Indians." 

Furguson heard of this rising of the mountain yeomanry 
upon his track, and dispatched an express to Cornwallis 
for reinforcements. The ubiquitous Tarleton was sent to 
his assistance. 

Meantime the patriot leader, James Williams, who was 
soon to offer up his life, was on the upper Catawba with 
four hundred and fifty mounted men. He, too, learned 
by his scouts of the mountain torrent of freemen, descend- 
ing and swelling as it rolled. 

He advanced to meet them, and, near the field of Cow- 
pens, on the Broad Kiver — auspicious spot, so soon to 



200 THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS — NO. 2. 

blaze with the glory of our arms — they joined forces aud 
counted thirteen hundred strong. 

Williams proposed to guide them at once to Ferguson's 
encampment. Calling a council, they decided to push on 
and strike him by surprise. Selecting nine hundred picked 
men and their fleetest horses, they began their march at 
sunset. They dismounted but once in thirty-six hours. 
All night they rode, and the next day, evening, October 
7th, 1780, reached the foot of King's Mountain — per- 
petual monument of the valor of these men. 

Ferguson's force of tories, and a detachment of British 
regulars, numbered upwards of eleven hundred. They 
were strongly posted on what they thought an impregna- 
ble height, "the craggy cliffs cropping out in form of 
natural breastworks along its sides and on its heights." 

But these brave hearts and strong hands had come to do 
the deed, and they did it. All honor to the militia heroes 
of King's Mountain, without a leader above the rank of 
colonel. All honor to the patriot yeomanry of Virginia, 
Tennessee, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, 
who met here to clasp hands and pour out their heart's 
blood in the cause of human liberty. 

They quietly dismounted and formed themselves into 
four columns. The post of extreme danger was assumed 
by Colonel Campbell, of Virginia, and Colonel Shelby. 
They led the two columns that were to attack in front ; 
climbing the mountain, to be received on the bayonets of 
the British regulars. 

But on, and up, they strode — hearts of lions — repulsed 
at first, they rallied, and gained the height. A death 
struggle ensued, until the right and left wings in the rear 
closed round the enemy's flanks and rear, and circled them 
with a ring of fire. 

For fifty minutes the battle raged, until the position of 
the enemy was no longer tenable. Their leader, Ferguson, 
being killed, they attempted to escape along the top of the 



THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS — NO. 2. 201 

ridge ; but Colonels Cleaveland, Sevier and Williams in- 
tercepted them, and they threw down their arms. 

The British loss was four hundred and fifty killed or 
severely wounded, and six hundred and fifty prisoners. 
The American loss was only twenty-eight killed and sixty 
wounded. Among these, however, they had to mourn the 
death of the patriot Colonel James Williams — " a man of 
exalted character and of a brief but glorious career." 

As the battle of Herkimer's Mohawk yeomanry had first 
reversed the gloom of the Northern Department in 1777, 
so now the battle of the yeomanry of King's Mountain 
first reversed the gloom of the Southern Department in 
1780. 

The mountaineers had moved too swiftly this time for 
Tarleton. He heard the tidings of the disaster at the 
forks of the Catawba, and sped back with all haste to 
Cormvallis' camp. An immediate retreat was ordered. 
The whole aspect of affairs was changed. It strength- 
ened the hearts of the patriots and dismayed the tories. 

' The appearance on the frontiers of a numerous enemy 
from settlements beyond the mountains whose names had 
thus far remained unknown to the British, took Oorn- 
wallis by surprise ; and their success was fatal to this in- 
tended expedition. He had expected to step with ease 
from one Carolina to the other, and from these to the 
conquest of Virginia." * 

There was nothing now but a swift retreat back into 
South Carolina, on which he was followed by the militia, 
who "harassed his foraging parties, intercepted his dis- 
patches, and captured his wagons." 

They were delayed by heavy rains at the fords ; Corn- 
wallis fell ill of a fever ; they were without tents, and the 
soldiers bivouacked in the woods, drenched with rain, in 
unwholesome air. After a miserable march of fifteen 
days, they found themselves at the posts from which they 
* Bancroft, Vol. X. 



202 THE BATTLE OF THE COLONELS — NO. 3 . 

had set out, near Camden. Autumn malaria decimated 
the British regiments in their garrisons faster than the 
British ministry could replace them. 

It was a superb stroke, King's Mountain — a revelation 
to the British, and it illuminates Washington's meaning 
when, in the midst of the disasters of the Jerseys, he de- 
clared that, if driven from the Atlantic coast, he could 
retire behind the natural barrier of the Alleghanies, and 
still hold the continent. 



XXIII.— 1780. 
MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. 

CONGRESS voted a court of inquiry into Gates' con- 
duct of the Southern Department ; but he was 
finally acquitted with honor. He was, however, super- 
seded soon after Camden. That affair taught Congress 
less confidence in their own judgment and more in that 
of the commander-in-chief, who, at their request, now 
nominated General Greene as Gates' successor. 

No man owed more to the patronage of the commander- 
in-chief than did this officer. He was a man of unblem- 
ished integrity, and a firm and consistent adherent to the 
cause of independence ; but his order of talent fitted him 
rather for usefulness in the council-chamber than on the 
field. We reach this conclusion because, though he en- 
tered the army before Boston in 1775 and served to the 
end of the war, no page of history links his name with 
any remarkable military achievement. Exception : he 
crossed the Delaware with Washington's detachment in 
the attack upon Trenton. His military record at Forts 
Washington and Lee, at Brandywine and Germantown, 
shed no lustre upon his arms. He won no laurels at New- 
port, except in waving the olive-branch between American 
and French jealousy ; but we remember to his honor that 
he stood faithfully with Washington in the matter of the 
" Cabal." 

After Germantown, Washington induced him to accept 
the office of quartermaster ; but he took it reluctantly, 
administered it ungraciously, and finally so far forgot him- 
self in his letters to Congress as to draw the pronounced 



204 HAJOE-GENERAL GREENE. 

censure of that body ; and, but for the prompt and vigor- 
ous intervention of Washington's influence, he would 
probably have been dismissed the service. 

Greene had a vice of letter-writing, and has in these, 
elaborated himself in a way not conducive to his immor- 
tality. His fame would have been more enduring if he 
had written fewer letters, and also, if Johnson had never 
written his life. 

General Greene came of peace-loving Quaker parentage, 
yet he had an inordinate ambition for military glory, and 
his own reputation was to him a perpetual source of dis- 
quiet. 

He assumed the duties of quartermaster while the army 
was yet at Valley Forge, and when the administration of 
the commissariat was at its worst. There were cormo- 
rant contractors and sutlers in those days, who availed 
themselves of the vicissitudes of values and the deprecia- 
tion of the currency. Washington writes to the Presi- 
dent of Pennsylvania with exceptional warmth : " It is 
much to be lamented that each State, long 'ere this, has 
not hunted them down as pests to society and the greatest 
enemies we have. I would to God that some of the more 
atrocious in each State were hung upon gallows five times 
as high as Hainan's ; no punishment, in my opinion, is too 
severe for the man who can build his fortunes upon his 
country's ruin." 

Washington hoped much from the integrity and industry 
»of Greene, as the department had been placed " on a cen- 
tralized system under Greene's immediate authority, with 
powers almost independent of Congress, and lucrative 
emoluments for himself, his assistants and subordinates." 

But Greene was restive and discontented at his post ; 
lie failed to give satisfaction and preferred to return to 
field service. He writes to Washington : " I have desired 
Congress to give me leave to resign, as I apprehended a 
loss of reputation if I continued in the business. I will 



MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. 205 

not sacrifice my reputation for any consideration what- 
ever. I am willing to serve the public, but I think I have 
a right to choose that way of performing the service which 
will be most honorable to myself. * * * * I will not 
deny that the profits are flattering to my fortune, but not 
less humbling to my military pride. * * * * * There 
is a great difference between being raised to an office and 
descending to one, which is my case. There is also a great 
difference between serving where you have a fair prospect 
of honor and laurels, and where you have no prospect 
of either. Nobody ever heard of a quartermaster in his- 
tory, as such, or in relating any brilliant action. I en- 
gaged in this business as well out of compassion to your 
Excellency as from a regard to the public." * [He no- 
where seems to realize that he served a cause.] 

At another date, thus : "Your Excellency has made me 
very unhappy. I can submit very patiently to deserved 
censure, but it wounds my feelings exceedingly to meet 
with a rebuke for doing what I conceived to be a proper 
part of my duty, and in the order of things. * * * * 
If I had neglected my duty in pursuit of pleasure, or if I 
had been wanting in respect to your Excellency, I would 
have put my hand upon my mouth and been silent upon 
the occasion : but as I am not conscious of being chargeable 
with either the one or the other, I cannot help thinking 
I have been treated with a degree of severity that I am 
in no respect deserving. Your Excellency well knows 
how I came into this department. It was by your special 
request, and you must be sensible there is no other man 
upon earth would have brought me into the business but 
you. The distress the department was in, the disgrace which 
must accompany your operations without a change, the 
difficulty of engaging a person capable of conducting the 
business, together with the hopes of meeting your appro- 
bation, and having your full aid and assistance, recon- 
* The italics, wherever occurring, are ours. 



206 MA.IOK-UENERAL GREENE. 

cilcd me to the undertaking. ****** j have 
never solicited you for a furlough to go home, to indulge 
in pleasure or to improve my interest, which, by-the-by, I 
have neglected going on four years. Neither have I ever 
spared myself, by night or day,. where it has been neces- 
sary to promote the public interest under your direction. 
I have never been troublesome to your Excellency to pub- 
lish anything to my advantage, although I think myself 
as justly entitled as some others who have been more 
fortunate, particularly in the action of the Brandywine. 
However, I can speak with a becoming pride that I have 
always endeavored to deserve the public esteem and your 
Excellency's approbation. 

As I came into the quartermaster's department with 
reluctance, so I shall leave it with pleasure. Your influ- 
ence brought me in, and the want of your approbation 
will induce me to go out." 

It is not very surprising that, two months after this date, 
Greene writes : " This is the third time I have wrote since 
I have had a line from your Excellency. Should be glad 
to hear from you when at leisure, etc."* 

That majestic figure, living in the ages rather than the 
moments, working for the races yet to be, rather than for 
his contemporaries, opposed a matchless patience, alike to 
the treachery of Lee, the indifference of Adams, the arro- 
gance of Gates, and the petulance of Greene. 

Upon the fall of Charleston, Greene had asked of Wash- 
ington the command of the Southern Department, but 
Congress selected Gates. After the failure of the complot 
of Arnold and Clinton, Washington appointed Greene 
president of the military court that tried Andre, and 
subsequently Greene solicited the command of West Point. 

"October 5, 1780. 
" Sir : — A new disposition of the army going to be 
* Sparks' Correspondence of Washington, Vol. II, p. 162. 



MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. 207 

made, and an officer appointed to the command of West 
Point, I take the liberty just to intimate my inclinations 
for the appointment. * * * * I hope there is nothing 
indelicate or improper in the application. I am prompted 
to the measure from the feelings incident to the human 
heart," etc. * * * 

He obtained it, but had_occupied the post only a few 
days when Washington was requested by Congress to 
name Grates' successor. He selected G-eneral Greene, 
desiring him to proceed southward without delay ; to 
which he replied : 

" West Point, October 16, 1780. 

"Sir: — Your Excellency's letter of the 14th, appoint- 
ing me to the command of the Southern army, was delivered 
me last evening. I beg your Excellency to be persuaded 
that I am fully sensible of the honor you do me. I foresee 
the command will be accompanied with innumerable em- 
barrassments ; but the generous support which I expect 
from the partiality of Southern gentlemen, as well as the 
aid and assistance I hope to derive from your Excellency's 
advice and extensive influence, affords me some consola- 
tion in contemplating the difficulties. 

"I will prepare myself for the command as soon as I 
can ; if it was possible, I should be glad to spend a few 
days at home, before I set out to the southward, especially 
as it is altogether uncertain how long my command may 
continue, or what deaths or accidents may happen during 
my absence. However, it will not be possible for me to 
leave this place for several days, if I put my baggage in 
the least order, or my business in proper train for such a 
long journey. Nor is my health in a condition to set out 
immediately, having had a considerable fever upon me for 
several days," etc. 

Washington had not yet received intelligence of the 
battle of King's Mountain; that event having occurred 



208 MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. 

October 8th, only five days before he had communicated 
to Greene his appointment. He returned for answer that 
the grave aspect of military affairs in South Carolina ad- 
mitted no delay ; that he must set out immediately. 
Greene writes : 

" West Point, October 19, 1780. 

"Sir: — Your Excellency's favor of the 18th came to 
hand this afternoon. I had given over the thoughts of 
going home even if I obtained your permission, before I 
received your pleasure upon the subject. Before I marched 
from Tappan I wrote to Mrs. Greene to come to cam}), 
and expect her here every hour. Should I set out before 
her arrival, the disappointment of not seeing me, added 
to the shock of my going southward, I am very apprehen- 
sive will have some disagreeable effect upon her health, 
especially as her apprehensions have been all alive respect- 
ing my going southward, before there was the least prob- 
ability of it. My baggage sets out in the morning, if 
Colonel Hughes does not disappoint me about the horses ; 
and my stay shall not be more than a day longer, whether 
Mrs. Greene comes or not. 

"Your Excellency cannot be more anxious to have me 
come on, than I am to comply with your orders, especially 
since the two last articles of intelligence, the sailing of the 
troops from New York, and the advance of Lord Corn- 
wallis into the State of North Carolina,"* 

General Greene left West Point, October 20th, and 
made a sort of leisurely, triumphal procession southward. 
He addresses the commander-in-chief from Philadelphia, 
November 3d, and a few days after, finds himself under 
the hospitable roof of Mount Vernon, and writes thus, by 
"candle light": " Mount Vernon is one of the mosti 
pleasant places I ever saw, and I do not wonder you soi 
* Sparks' Correspondence, Vol. III., p. 123. 



MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. 209 

often languish to return to the pleasures of domestic life. 
Nothing but the glory of being commander-in-chief, and 
the happiness of being universally admired, could com- 
pensate for such a sacrifice as you make." * 

From Bichmond, November 19th, he writes: "I am 
received and treated with all the marks of respect and 
attention that I can wish. Your letters have been of 
singular service, and I am exceedingly obliged to you for 
the warm manner in which you recommended me to the 
notice of your friends. Your weight and influence, both 
with Congress and this State, in support of the Southern 
operations, will be exceedingly important to my success." 

To Alexander Hamilton he wrote : "General Washing- 
ton's influence will do more than all the assemblies upon 
the continent. I always thought him exceedingly popular, 
but in many places he is little less than adored, and uni- 
versally admired. From being the friend of the General, 
I found myself exceedingly well received." 

Notwithstanding all this, the horrors of the situation 
began to take hold on Greene. Of the Southern' people he 
says : " I believe the views and wishes of the great body 
of the people are entirely with us. But remove the per- 
sonal influence of a few, and they are a lifeless and inani- 
mate mass, without direction or spirit to employ the 
means they possess for their own security. 

" I cannot contemplete my own situation without the 
greatest degree of anxiety. I am far removed from almost 
all my friends and connections, and have to prosecute a 
war in a country, in the best state, attended with insur- 
mountable difficulties ; but doubly so now, from the state 
of our finances and the loss of public credit. How I shall 
be able to support myself, under all these embarrassments, 
God only knows ! My only consolation is, that if I fail, 
I hope it will not be accompanied with any peculiar marks 
of personal disgrace. Censure and reproach even follow 
* Greene's Life of Greene, Vol. III., p. 53. 



210 MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. 

the unfortunate. This I expect, if I don't succeed. The 
ruin of my family is what hangs most heavy on my mind. 
My fortune is small, and misfortune or disgrace to me, 
must be ruin to them. I beg your Excellency will do me 
the honor to forward the enclosed letter to Mrs. Greene, 
who is rendered exceedingly unhappy by my going south- 
ward.'' 

Arriving at Charlotte, North Carolina, December 2d, 
1780, after a journey of six weeks, Greene relieved Gates,- 
assumed command of the Southern Department, and 
writes : " To give your Excellency an idea of the state and 
condition of this army, if it deserves the name of one, I 
enclose you an extract of a letter from General Gates to 
the Board of "War: 'Nothing can be more wretched and 
distressing than the condition of the troops, starving with 
cold and hunger, without tents or camp equipage. Those 
of the Virginia line are literally naked, unfit for any kind 
of duty, and must remain so until clothing can be had 
from the north.' " 

Again :' "I will not pain your Excellency with further 
accounts of the wants and sufferings of this army ; but I 
am not without great apprehension of its entire dissolu- 
tion unless the commissary's and quartermaster's depart- 
ments can be rendered, more competent to the demands 
of the service. Nor are the clothing and hospital depart- 
ments upon a better footing. Not a shilling in the pay- 
chest, nor a prospect of any for months to come. This is 
really making bricks without straw." "P. S. This mo- 
ment accounts have been received that General Leslie 
landed his troops at Charleston on the 21st December, 
and on the 24th was at Monk's corner." 

This was strictly true, but not at all new. Nor was it 
peculiar to the Carolinas. The Virginia troops at home 
were naked ; Sumter's and Marion's band of heroes were 
in the same state ; yet at this very time, both in Virginia 
and Carolina, they were in active warfare and doing capital 



MAJOK-GENEKAL GKEENE. 211 

service. How often had the army of the commander-in- 
chief precisely answered to this description. 

The commander doubtless reminded him of this, for 
Greene replies : " Your Excellency's letter of Decem- 
ber 13th, came to hand this day. It is true I came to the 
southward in expectation of meeting with difficulties ; 
but they far exceed what I had any idea of. * * * We 
will do all in our power ; but the soldiers have no spirit, 
and it is impossible they should in their present situation. 
i" wish the enemy ivould give us a little more time to prepare 
ourselves. However, I don't intend to be drove out of 
North Carolina, if / can possibly avoid it." * 

Up to this time General Greene had run his career 
under Washington's wing, and now, in desiring to com- 
mand a department extending from Georgia to the Chesa- 
peake, he had overestimated his abilities. 

Finding it impossible to subsist his army near Charlotte, 
he had sent Kosciusko to entrench a position in a fruit- 
ful region on the Pedee, at Cheraw Hills. Thither Greene 
led his army, arriving on December 26th, 1780. Greene 
writes : " It is a camp of repose, and no army ever 
wanted one more ; the troops having totally lost their 
discipline." 

Greene's biographer says that he addressed himself to 
" disciplining both officers and men, inviting his officers to 
his table by turns, and endeavoring to give a higher tone to 
their habits of thought and conversation." f 

Useful, but not well timed, in view of the military 
status ; the imminent, deadly emergency at that moment, 
both in Virginia and the Carolinas. Polishing arms rather 
than manners was in order, when Arnold was ravaging 
Virginia and burning her towns ; when Cornwallis with 
his coadjutors Eawdon, Webster and Tarleton were spread 
over South Carolina holding her fast bound; and Leslie, by 

* Sparks' Correspondence, Vol. III., p. 208. 
f Greene's Life of Greene. 



212 MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. 

Greene's own report, with two thousand fresh troops, had 
landed in Charleston and advanced thirty miles on his way 
to join Cornwallis. Aside from that " Camp of Kepose," 
what hope to confront this formidable enemy ! Sumter 
and Marion were in the field ; below and between Camden 
and Charleston, watching, harassing, and wasting the 
enemy, and keeping Greene informed of their every move- 
ment. 



XXIV.— 1780, 1781. 
MOKGAN TO THE EESCUE. 

GATES had hailed the arrival in his camp of Daniel 
Morgan. It must be said of that officer that he 
was doing what he could, to re-collect and re-organize the 
fragments of his broken army. 

Our Maryland heroes, Lieutenant Colonel Howard and 
Colonel Otho H. Williams, were there with their surviving 
continentals ; some of the Virginia line ; with militia 
newly arrived ; in all about fourteen hundred men. 

Morgan was immediately invited by the North Carolina 
authorities to take command of their militia, but Gates 
had another plan. From the two battalions of infantry, 
he selected four hundred picked men under Colonel 
Howard ; a company of riflemen under Captain Eose ; 
such fragments of Colonels White and Washington's 
cavalry as had escaped the sword of Tarleton, were united 
under Lieutenant Colonel Washington, and the command 
of the whole given to Colonel Morgan,* October 1, 1780, 
just seven days before King's Mountain flamed with sud- 
den glory. 

Upon intelligence of this fine stroke, with the total 
derangement of Cornwallis' plans and his falling back 
from North Carolina, Morgan pressed forward also, into 
South Carolina. At this time Gates received the follow- 
ing resolution of Congress with commission of Brigadier 
General for Morgan : 

* OraJiam's Life of Morgan, p. 239. 



214 MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 

" October 18, 1780. 
" In Congress. 

" Congress took into consideration the report of the 
Board of War respecting the promotion of Colonel Mor- 
gan, and it appearing from the letters of Governors Jeffer- 
son and Rutledge, and of Major General Gates, that 
Colonel Morgan's promotion to the rank of Brigadier 
General will remove several embarrassments which impede 
the public service in the Southern Department and that it 
will otherwise greatly advance the said service, 

"Resolved, therefore, that Colonel Daniel Morgan be, 
and hereby is, appointed to the rank of Brigadier General 
in the army of the United States. 

"Charles Thompson, Secretary." 

Extract from the minutes. 

Congratulations poured in upon him from brother 
officers who best knew his worth, and Morgan set his 
face to the foe. His little force had been in part clothed, 
but they were without tents, wagons, camp equipage, 
commissariat or hospital stores. They were expected to 
find their own provisions, fight and sleep, with no shelter 
from the storm and no covering from the night dews, 
"beyond the branches of the trees on the leeward side of a 
hill.'" 

They soon found something to do. A nest of tories 
were gathered at the farm of one Rugly, who had received 
a commission of Colonel from the British, and was re- 
cruiting for the king's service. Morgan detached his 
cavalry under Colonel Washington, to break them up. 
Rugly hearing of their approach, intrenched himself in a 
log-house with a line of abattis, etc. 

Colonel Washington saw at once that his troop of horse 
was inadequate to the situation. Fruitful in resources, he 
improvised artillery, by mounting a pine log upon wheels, 
disposed his forces as if for a cannonade, and sent a cor- 



MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 215 

poral of dragoons with a summons to surrender. Rugby 
made no parley, but surrendered at once, and Washington 
marched back with a hundred tory prisoners, provisions, 
and arms. 

Gates' army had meanwhile advanced to Charlotte, where 
General Greene took command. With a generous con- 
sideration for Gates' feelings, he confirmed all that Gen- 
eral's standing orders, including those to Morgan. Two 
weeks later, December 20th, Greene with the main army 
of about twelve hundred men marched to Cheraw Hills on 
the Pedee ; Morgan with a force of less than six hundred 
pushed forward to the country between the Broad and 
Pacolet rivers. 

His instructions from Greene were, to take position west 
of the Catawba, and as soon as joined by the militia he 
was to act offensively or defensively as his prudence and 
discretion might direct, " avoiding surprises by every pos- 
sible precaution." He was directed, if the enemy moved 
towards the main army at Cheraw Hills to follow them 
and join forces with Greene. He was also directed to 
keep Greene constantly informed of the enemy's move- 
ments, etc. 

Morgan had entertained high hopes of a large reinforce- 
ment of militia, — perhaps some of the upland yeomanry 
of King's Mountain fame, — but the savage tribes were 
astir, threatening their settlements ; they were compelled 
to remain and stand guard at their own cabin doors. A 
letter from the patriot leader Davidson explains : 

" December 14, 1780 
" Dear Sir: — My orders from General Greene were, to 
join you as soon as possible after you crossed the river, 
which I should have effected before this time, had the 
troops joined agreeable to my expectations. But the ex- 
pedition against the Cherokee Downs, and the murders 
committed in Eutherford and Burke counties have entirely 



216 MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 

drawn off the attention of the people who were to com- 
pose my command, etc., etc. 

"Wm. Davidson. 
"General Daniel Morgan." 

Morgan felt the more anxiety because every indication 
pointed to a movement of Cornwallis' army, so soon as he 
should be joined by Leslie. He had greatly desired to 
enter at once upon offensive field operations in which were 
included successive attacks upon Ninety-six and Augusta, 
and even an attack upon the camp of Cornwallis himself. 
These plans he was now compelled to relinquish. Unable 
to do what he would, he proceeded to do what he could, 
in establishing magazines of supplies at various points in 
his rear, and organizing a system of military detectives by 
which he could be supplied with speedy and constant in- 
formation t)f every movement of the enemy; reports were 
to be furnished at least twice in twenty -four hours. He 
also dispatched Colonel Washington and Major McCall to 
Fair Forest Creek to break up a large camp of tories. 
They completely surprised, routed, captured or dispersed 
the whole body. These tory encounters, though mere 
accessories to Morgan's general plans, were immensely 
useful in protecting the families and property of the whigs, 
and in intimidating the rising of the tories. 

But a powerful combination was forming against him, 
and he foresaw earnest work at hand. Cornwallis well 
knew the temper of Morgan's steel. Memories of Piscata- 
way and Eahway, rose upon him. He had been stung by 
Morgan's rifle-balls throughout the campaigns of 1777, 
1778 and 1779 in the Jerseys; and he had a British, not 
an American estimation of the hero of Saratoga. 

Cornwallis was anticipating an early advance into North 
Carolina so soon as Leslie came up ; but when he learned 
that Morgan was afiejd, and hovering in the vicinity of 
his important posts of Ninety-six and Augusta, he called 



MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 217 

for his valiant Colonel Tarleton. There could be no ad- 
vance without first disposing of Morgan. It was now 
January 1781. 

" Winnsborotjgh, January 2, 1781. 
"Dear Tarleton: — I sent Haldane to you last night, to 
desire you would pass Broad river with the legion and the 
first battalion of the 71st as soon as possible. If Morgan 
is still at Williams, or anywhere within your reach, I 
should wish you to push him to the utmost. I have not 
heard, except from McArthur, of his having cannon, nor 
would I believe it, except on very good authority. It is, 
however, possible, and Ninety-six is of so much importance 
that no time is to be lost. 

"Yours sincerely, 

" Cornwallis." 

Morgan's own plan was to get into the British rear ; to 
push down into Georgia, compel them to return to the 
defence of their menaced posts, and thus relieve the States 
of North Carolina and Virginia. A course eminently wise, 
as future operations showed. It looked a hazardous game 
indeed, and would have been in other hands ; but Mor- 
gan, though modest as valiant, and prudent as modest, 
could yet measure his own resources. But Greene, who, 
Johnson says, "never played a hazardous game when a 
safe one would do," forbade Morgan from going so far 
from the " Camp of Eepose" in the Cheraw Hills. 

Their correspondence at this time will best disclose the 
situation. [The letters are copied from Graham's Life of 
Morgan — the italics are ours.] 

General Greene to General Morgan. 

" Camp on the Cheraws, December 29, 1780. 
" Dear Sir : — "We arrived here on the 26th inst, after a 
very tedious and disagreeable march, owing to the badness 
10 



218 MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 

of the roads find the poor and weak state of onr teams. 
Our prospects with regard to provisions are mended, but 
this is no Egypt. 

" I have this moment received intelligence that General 
Leslie has landed at Charleston, and is on his way to 
Camden. His force is about two thousand, perhaps some- 
thing less. I am also informed that Lord Cornwallis has 
collected his troops at Camden. You will watch their 
motions very narrowly and take care and guard against a 
surprise. Should they move this way, you will endeavor 
to cross the river and join us. Do not be sparing of your 
expresses, but let me know as often as possible of your 
situation. I wish to be fully informed of your prospect 
respecting provisions, and also the number of militia that 
has joined you. A large number of tents and hatchets 
are on the road. As soon as they arrive, you shall be 
supplied. Many other articles necessary for this army, 
particularly shoes, are coming on. 

" I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 

"Nathaniel Greene. 
" General Daniel Morgan." 

The annexed, from Colonel 0. H. Williams, reached 
Morgan at the same time : 

" Camp at Cheraw Hills, December 30. 

" Dear General : — I enclose you a number of letters, by 
a sergeant of Lieutenant-Colonel Washington's regiment, 
which I hope will arrive safe. We are at present in a " camp 
of repose," and the General is exerting himself and every 
body else to put his little army in a better condition. Tents 
sufficient for a larger army than ours are coming from 
Philadelphia ; they are expected to arrive early in Janu- 
ary. We also expect shoes, shirts and some other articles 
essentially necessary. General Marion writes the General 
that General Leslie landed at Charleston with his com- 



MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 219 

mand on December 20th, and that he had advanced as far 
as Monk's Corner — probably they mean to form a junc- 
tion and attempt to give a blow to a part of our force 
while we are divided, and most probably that blow will be 
aimed at you, as our position in the centre of a wilderness 
is less accessible than your camp. 

" I know your discretion renders all caution from me 
unnecessary ; but my friendship will plead an excuse for 
the impertinence of wishing you to run no risk of a de- 
feat. May your laurels flourish when your locks fade, and 
an age of peace reward your toils in war. My love to 
every fellow-soldier, and adieu. 

"Yours, most truly, 

" 0. H. Williams. 

"Brigadier- General Morgan." 

Morgan, from his camp on the Pacolet, writes to Gen- 
eral Greene about the same date : 

" December 31st, 1780. 

"Dear General: — After an uninteresting march, I ar- 
rived at this place on the 25th of December. * * * * 
The militia are increasing fast, so that we cannot be sup- 
plied in this neighborhood more than two or three days at 
farthest. Were we to advance and be constrained to re- 
treat, the consequences would be very disagreeable, and 
this must be the case should we lay near the enemy and 
Cornwallis reinforce, which he can do with great facility. 

" General Davidson has brought in one hundred and 
twenty men, and has returned to bring forward a draft of 
five hundred men. Colonel Pickens has joined me with 
sixty. Thirty or forty of the men who came out with 
him have gone into North Carolina to secure their effects, 
and will immediately repair to my camp. 

" When I shall have collected my expected force, I shall 
be at a loss how to act. Could a diversion be made in my 



220 MORGAN TO TTIE RESCUE. 

favor hy the main army, I should wish to march into 
Georgia. To me it appears an advisable scheme, but 
should be happy to receive your directions on this point, 
as they must he the guide of my actions. 

"I have consulted with General Davidson and Colouel 
Pickens, whether we could secure a safe retreat should we 
be pushed by a superior force. They tell me it can be 
easily effected by passing up the Savannah and crossing 
over the heads of the rivers along the Indian line. To 
expedite this movement, should it meet with your appro- 
bation, I have sent for one hundred swords, which I in- 
tend to put into the hands of expert riflemen, to be 
mounted and incorporated with Lieutenant-Colonel Wash- 
ington's corps. 

" I have also written to the quartermaster to have me one 
hundred pack-saddles made immediately; — should be glad 
if you would direct him to be expeditious. Wagons will 
be an impediment, whether we attempt to annoy the 
enemy or provide for our own safety. It is incompatible 
with the nature of light troops to be encumbered with 
baggage. 

" I would wish to receive an answer to this proposition 
as soon as possible. This country has been so exhausted 
that the supplies for my detachment have been precarious 
and scant ever since my arrival, and in a few days will be 
unattainable — so that a movement is unavoidable. Should 
this expedition be thought advisable, a profound secrecy 
will be essentially necessary. Colonel Lee's corps would 
ensure its success. 

" I have the honor to be, 

"Daniel Morgan. 

"Hon. Major-General Greene." 

General Greene to General Morgan. 

" CnEiiAW, East-side Pedee, January 8, 1781. 
"Dear Sir:— Colonel Malmody arrived here yesterday 



MOEGAN" TO THE EESCUE. 221 

with your letter of the 31st December. I have maturely 
considered your proposition of an expedition into Georgia, 
and cannot think it warrantable in the critical situation 
our army is in. 

" I have no small reason to think, by intelligence from 
different quarters, that the enemy have a movement in 
contemplation, and that in all probability it will be this 
way. * * * * Should you go into Georgia, and the 
enemy push this way, your whole force would be use- 

"If you employ detachments to interrupt supplies going 
to Ninety-Six and Augusta, it will perplex the enemy 
very much. If you think Ninety-Six, Augusta, or even 
Savannah, can be surprised, and your force will admit of a 
detachment for the purpose and leave you a sufficiency to 
keep up a good countenance, you may attempt it. But 
don't think of attempting either unless by surprise, for 
you will only beat your heads against a wall without suc- 
cess. Small parties are better to effect a surprise than 
large bodies, and the success will not greatly depend upon 
the numbers but on the secrecy and spirit of the attack. 
I must repeat my caution to you to guard against a sur- 
prise. The enemy and the tories will both try to bring 
you into disgrace, if possible, to prevent your influence 
upon the militia, especially the weak and wavering. / 
cannot pretend to give you any particular instructions 
respecting a position. Somewhere between the Saluda and 
the north Broad Eiver, appears to be the most favorable 
for annoying the enemy, interrupting their supplies, and 
harassing their rear, if they should make a movement this 
way. 

" If you could detach a small party to kill the enemy's 
draft-horses and recruiting cavalry, upon the Congaree, it 
would give them almost as deadly a blow as a defeat. But 
this matter must be conducted with great secrecy and 
dispatch. Lieutenant-Colonel Lee has just arrived with 



222 M0KGAN TO THE BESCUE. 

his legion, and Colonel Green is within a few clays' march 
of this with a reinforcement. 

" I am, dear sir, etc., 

"Nathaniel Greene. 
"Brigadier-General Morgan." 

General Morgan to General Greene. 

" Camp on Pacolet, January 4, 1781. 

" Dear Sir : — ****** Sensible of the im- 
portance of guarding against surprise, I have used every 
precaution on this head. I have had men who were 
recommended as every way calculated for the business, 
continually watching the motions of the enemy ; so, unless 
they deceive me, I am in no danger of being surprised. 
I have received no acquisition of force since I wrote you ; 
but I expect in a few days to be joined by Colonels Clark's 
and Twigg's regiment. Their numbers I cannot ascer- 
tain. The men on the north side of Broad Kiver I have 
not yet ordered to join me ; but I have directed their 
officers to keep them in compact bodies, that they may be 
ready to march at the shortest notice. I intend these as 
a check on the enemy should they attempt anything 
against my detachment. 

"My situation is far from being agreeable to my wishes 
or expectations. Forage and provisions are not to be had. 
Here we cannot subsist, so that we have but one alterna- 
tive — either to retreat or move into Georgia. A retreat 
will be attended with the most fatal consequences. The 
spirit which now begins to pervade the people and call 
them into the field, will be destroyed. The militia, who 
have already joined, will desert us, and it is not improba- 
ble but that a regard for their own safety will induce them 
to join the enemy. 

' ' I shall wait with impatience for your directions on 



MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 223 

the subject of my letter by Colonel Malmady, as till then 
my operations must be suspended. 

" I am, dear sir, truly yours, 

"Daniel Morgan." 

Greene to Morgan. 

" Camp on the Pedee, January 13, 1781. 

" Dear Sir : — I am at this moment favored with your 
letter of the 4th inst. Since I wrote you I have received 
letters from Virginia, informing me of the arrival there 
of. General Phillips with a detachment of two thousand 
five hundred men from New York. This circumstance 
renders it still more improper for you to move far to the 
southward. It is my wish also that you hold your ground, 
if possible, for I foresee the disagreeable consequences of 
a retreat. If moving as far as Ninety-Six, or anywhere 
in the neighborhood of it, will contribute to the obtaining 
of more ample supplies, you have my consent. 

" Colonel Tarleton is said to be on his way to pay you a 
visit. I doubt not but he will have a decent reception and 
a proper dismission. And I am happy to find you have 
taken every precaution to avoid a surprise. I wish you to 
be more particular respecting your plan and object in pay- 
ing a visit to Georgia. 

" Virginia is raising three thousand men to recruit this 
army. 

" I am, etc., 

"Nathaniel Greene." 

Greene to Morgan. 

"Head Quarters, January 13, 1781. 

"Dear Sir: — There are six wagon loads of cloth on the 

way from Charleston to the Congaree Eiver, the property 

of one Wade Hampton, who, it is said, wishes it to fall 

into our hands. It will halt on the Congaree at Friday's 



224 MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 

Ferry, bat in that situation you cannot get at it, and the 
man, it is said, is willing to move it on towards Ninety- 
Six, as if to relieve that garrison. To satisfy yourself re- 
specting the matter, you must send, a man to Mr. Hamp- 
ton to inquire respecting the report, and, if true, concert 
with him a plan for getting possession of the cloth, as it 
would, be of infinite importance to get it into our posses- 
sion (!). You will readily see, from the nature of the 
thing, that it is not to be considered as plunder, nor 
must anybody but yourself know anything of the trans- 
action, as it would inevitably ruin the man. Great caution 
should be taken to guard against those evils. 

"I am, etc., 

" Nathaniel Greene." 

General Morgan to General Greene. 

" Brim's Mills, January 15, 1781. 
[Two days before " Cowpens."] 

" Dear General : — Your letters of the 3d and 8th came 
to hand yesterday, just as I was preparing to change my 
position. * * * * * . * I find it impracticable to pro- 
cure more provisions in this quarter than are absolutely 
necessary for our own immediate consumption ; indeed, it 
has been with the greatest difficulty that we have been 
able to effect this. We have to feed such a number of 
horses, that the most plentiful country must soon be ex- 
hausted. Could the militia be persuaded to change their 
fatal mode of going to war, much provision might be 
saved ; but the custom has taken such deep root that it 
cannot be abolished. 

" Upon a full and mature deliberation, I am confirmed 
in the opinion that nothing can be effected by my detach- 
ment in this country, which will balance the risks I will 
be subjected to by remaining here. The enemy's great 
superiority in numbers, and our distance from the main 



MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 225 

army, will enable Lord Cornwallis to detach so superior 
a force against me as to render it essential to our 
safety to avoid coming to action. Nor will this he 
alivays in my potoer. No attempt to surprise me will 
be left untried by them, and, situated as we must be, 
every possible precaution may not be sufficient to secure 
us. The scarcity of forage renders it impossible for us 
always to be in a compact body ; and were this not the 
case, it is beyond the art of man to keep the militia from 
straggling. [So " no more of that."] 

" My force is inadequate to the attempts you have 
hinted at" — [i. e., to surprise Ninety-Six, or Augusta, or 
Savannah, or attack Cornwallis in his camp, to send a 
party down upon the Congaree, to kill the enemy's draft 
and cavalry horses, to stop supplies going to the various 
British posts, to see after Mr. Wade Hampton's cloth, and 
to fight Tarleton, Cornwallis and Leslie, individually and 
collectively, etc., etc., etc.] " I have now with me only two 
hundred South Carolina and Georgia, and one hundred 
and forty North Carolina volunteers. Nor do I expect to 
have more than two-thirds of these to assist me should I 
be attacked, for it is impossible to keep them collected. 
Though I am convinced that were you on the spot, the 
propriety of my proposition would strike you forcibly, 
should you think it inadvisable to recall me, you may 
depend on my attempting everything to annoy the enemy 
and to provide for the safety of my detachment. I shall 
cheerfully acquiesce in your determinations. 

" Colonel Tarleton has crossed the Tyger at Musgrove's 
Mills ; his force we cannot learn. It is more than prob- 
able we are his object. Cornwallis by last accounts was 
at the cross-roads near Lee's old place. 

"We have just learned that Tarleton's force is from 
eleven to twelve hundred British. 

"1 am, dear General, truly yours, 

"Daniel Morgan." 



226 MORGAN TO TIIE RESCUE. 

General Greene to General Morgan. 

" Camp on Pedee, January 19, 1781. 
[Two days after " Cowpens."] 

"Dear Sir: — Your favor of the 15th was delivered to 
me last night about 12 o'clock. * * * I was informed of 
Lord Cornwallis'. movements before the arrival of your 
letter, and agree with you in opinion that you are his 
object ; and from his making so general a movement, it- 
convinces me that he feels a great inconvenience from 
your force and situation. General Leslie has crossed the 
Catawba to join him. He would never harass his troops 
to remove you if he did not think it of some importance, 
nor would he put his collective force in motion if he had 
not some respect for your numbers. / am sensible your 
situation is critical, and requires the most watch fid atten- 
tion to guard against a surprise. But I think it is of great 
importance to keep up a force in that quarter. 

" It is not my wish you should come to action unless 
you have a manifest superiority and a moral certainty of 
succeeding. Put nothing to the hazard ; a retreat may be 
disagreeable, but not disgraceful. Eegard not the opinions 
of the day. It is not our business to risk too much. Our 
affairs are in too critical a condition and require time and 
nursing to give them a better tone. * * * Before this can 
possibly reach you, I imagine the movements of Lord 
Cornwallis and Colonel Tarleton will be sufficiently ex- 
plained, and you be obliged to take some decisive measures. 
I shall be perfectly satisfied if you keep clear of a mis- 
fortune. Though I wish you laurels, I am unwilling to 
expose the common cause to give you an opportunity to ac- 
quire them. 

" As the rivers are subject to sudden and great swells, 
you must be careful that the enemy do not take a position 
in your rear where you can neither retreat by your flanks 



MORGAN TO' THE RESCUE. 227 

or your front. I am preparing boats to move always with 
the army ; would one or two be of any use to you? They 
will be put on wheels and made to move with little more 
difficulty than a loaded wagon. 

"I am, with great esteem, etc. 

"Nathaniel Greene." 

Here is a most strange military pose. Greene with 
twelve hundred men, since reinforced by Lee and Colonel 
Green, intrenched in the fruitful region of the Pedee, busy 
in the cultivation of the "habits of thought and conver- 
sation of his officers." Besides this his pen moved inces- 
santly ; batches of letters issued from the " camp of re- 
pose "daily in all directions, to all manner of officials, 
civil and military, beseeching for supplies and reinforce- 
ments for his army ; and it must be said, with very fair 
success. Tents, wagons, hatchets, nails, shirts and shoes, 
in short, everything drifted that way. The General was 
also preparing strong pens for prisoners, forgetting the 
old receipt for "cooking a fish." He shows himself every 
inch the Quartermaster. 

Washington's army was emaciated with the drain 
southward. He had sent, after the fall of Charleston, De 
Kalb and his efficient Maryland and Delaware brigade. 
To Greene's cry of entreaty he now dispatched Lee's fine 
corps of cavalry and counselled that the whole energies 
of the rich State of Virginia should be turned in that 
direction. 

Jefferson, then Governor of Virginia, followed these 
counsels of Washington until he drew upon himself the 
censure of his own people for the defence of the Carolinas 
at the expense of Virginia. To Steuben, Washington 
wrote : " Make the defence of the State interfere as little 
as possible with the measures for succoring General Greene. 
Bancroft says : " With a magnanimity that knew nothing 
of fear, Virginia laid herself bare for the protection of the 



228 MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 

Carolinas." Greene himself wrote to Washington after- 
ward: "Virginia has given me every support I could 
wish." Further on, in reply to Greene's still urgent 
entreaty for aid, Washington says that "but a handful of 
troops remain to him, and should he send any more he 
would be compelled to accompany and command them, 
or be left without an army. " 

We see Morgan with his small force pushed forward, to 
gorge the British tiger Tarleton, held to a position in 
which he cannot even maintain his little army intact, but 
must scatter it to prevent starvation ; forbidden to ad- 
vance or retreat, and bid to stand and be eaten ; enjoined 
not to fight, unless with a " manifest superiority and a moral 
certainty of success;" above all not to be "surprised;" 
and finally to take "decisive measures " with Tarleton. 
These puerile and incoherent cautions seem singularly 
misaddressed, to the man who had never been known to 
be surprised from Quebec to Cowpens. 

Morgan, as we have seen, had delicately hinted to Greene 
the propriety of some "diversion in his favor, by the 
main army," and suggested that Lee's cavalry would be 
invaluable to him. But Greene saw fit to send Lee entirely 
in an opposite direction. He was perfectly aware that 
Morgan was menaced by Tarleton and Cornwallis, and 
that Leslie was well on his way to join the latter. Steuben, 
who commanded in Virginia, had sent troops, which he 
sorely needed at home, against Arnold and Phillips, ex- 
pressly in order that Greene might prevent the junction 
of Leslie with Cornwallis. 

Johnson says that Greene actually "contemplated 
striking at Cornwallis' army in their divided condition," 
but it never developed further than a contemplation. 
Leslie marched without interruption up through the 
State, crossed the Catawba and joined Cornwallis on Jan- 
uary 18th,— just one day too late— Cowpens was fought 
on the 17th. 



MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 220 

Tarleton had expressly arranged that he and Cornwallis 
should advance simultaneously upon Morgan, as their 
design was to capture or annihilate him and his army. 
Cornwallis confirmed the arrangement, but supposing 
certainly that Greene, with the main army, more than 
twice Morgan's force, would not stand an idle spectator 
of these military movements, but would move out to dis- 
pute the advance of Leslie, dared not march northward 
until Leslie's safety was assured. Cornwallis miscalcu- 
lated; a masterly inactivity was the role of the main 
army ; neither a diversion nor a co-operation was to be 
attempted, and to Morgan's last appeal, with the intelli- 
gence that Tarleton was close upon him with eleven hun- 
dred picked British regulars, Greene offers the sole conso- 
lation of "boats on wheels." 

If Greene had had the grace to loan him the main army 
and Lee's cavalry for ten days ! What then ? We might 
have locked Yorktown. 

Professor G. W. Greene, in his " Historical Views of the 
Conduct of the Eevolution," says: "The reconquest of 
the South, and the brilliant campaigns of '80 and '81, be- 
long exclusively to Greene." A slovenly statement, to say 
the least. General Greene assumed command of the South- 
ern Department at Charlotte, N. C, December 4th, 1780. 
Just twenty-seven days of the year 1780 remained, though 
General Greene's field-service does not commence until Feb- 
ruary 8th, 1781, when Morgan brought his victorious army 
from Cowpens to Guilford C. H., and General Huger joined 
him the next day with the main army from Cheraw Hills. 

It would add nothing to General Greene's military fame 
if it were possible to identify him with 1780, — the year of 
gloom and disaster at the South : the fall of Charleston, 
the shame of Camden, and Tarleton's iron heel crushing 
in upon the Carolinas. 

That gloom is broken only by the heroic strokes of 
Sumter and Marion with the swamp heroes, and by the 



230 MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 

glory of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, five days 
before Greene at West Point received the intelligence of 
his ajDpointment to the South. 

General Greene was entirely innocent of any of this 
good work ; and the main army lay dreaming in their 
tents in their " Camp of Eepose," a hundred and fifty 
miles away, on that memorable winter dawn, January 
17th, 1781, when Morgan and his handful of heroes, hotly 
pressed by Tarleton, turned upon, crushed and captured 
his army, routed and pursued the hitherto invincible, and 
Avon immortal fame. 

But we anticipate. Morgan's admirable system of mili- 
tary detection now served him to purpose. He knew 
every movement of Tarleton and Cornwallis almost as 
soon as made; and, like a skillful player, penetrated and 
anticipated their game. Nor did Morgan underestimate 
his powerful antagonist. He knew that Tarleton had 
thus far triumphantly ridden down all opposition. Marion 
alone had escaped, by skilfully declining to measure 
swords with him. Morgan did not seek the encounter ; 
Tarleton compelled it. Morgan resolved, however, to 
select his own battle-field. " Observing the guarded and 
deliberate manner in which Tarleton advanced upon him, 
— so unlike that officer's usual mode of approaching an 
opponent" — he was confirmed in his suspicion of the plan 
concerted between him and Cornwallis to entrap him. 

He resolved to cross the Pacolet and march towards the 
upper waters of the Broad Eiver, which would enable the 
small detachments of militia he had stationed there to 
join him, and, in case of misfortune, facilitate a retreat 
toward the main army at Cheraw. 

Accordingly he broke up his camp, put his troops in 
motion on January 15th, crossed the Pacolet and en- 
camped for the night at Burr's Mills, on Thicketty Creek. 
Here it was that he wrote his last letter to Greene — two 
days before Cowpens — warning him that it would not be 



MORGAN TO THE RESCUE. 231 

always in his power to obey his instructions by evading a 
battle. 

Tarleton followed, crossing the Pacolet the morning 
after. Learning this, Morgan immediately put his army 
upon the march. Pushing on by a mountain road, he 
passed Hancocksville at noon, turned into a by-path, and, 
arriving at Cowpens about sun-down, he ordered a halt. — 
" I'll go no further." 



XXV.— 1781. 
AT THE "COWPENS." 

" Their Diomede, brave in battle, prayed: 'Hear me, O daughter of ^Egis- 
bearing Jove, unwearied ; if ever favoring, thou stoodcst by me in the hostile 
fight, now in turn befriend me, O Minerva, and grant me to slay this man who 
boasts, saying that I shall not long behold the brilliant sun." Thus he spoke 
praying, and Pallas Minerva heard him, and gave strength and daring to Diomede 
that he might become conspicuous among all the Argives, and might bear off for 
himself excellent renown. And she kindled from his helmet and his shield an 
unwearied fire, and standing near him, spoke winged words." 

Iliad, BookV. 

LEFT with these fearful odds, the immortal gods came 
y about our hero, and Cowpens, more than any other 
Revolutionary battle-field recalls the splendid machinery 
of the Homeric strifes. Thus the old Greek would say 
it, but, in our " surer word," "God sent his angel." 

Cowpens and Trenton stand illuminated with a super- 
human glory. At Trenton, when the Hessians threw 
down their arms, " Washington, whose strong will had 
been strained for seventeen hours, gave way to his feeliugs, 
and with clasped hands raised his eyes, gleaming with 
thankfulness, to heaven." * At Cowpens, after the victory, 
Morgan, riding over the field, was heard to utter audible 
thanksgivings to the God of battles. \ Tarleton attempts 
in vain to account for his amazing discomfiture. After 
suggesting many things which might have inclined the 
battle otherwise, he says, " but after all it remains a mys- 
tery. It was either the bravery or good conduct of the 
Americans, or the loose manner of forming, always prac- 
ticed by the king's troops in America, or some unforeseen 
* Bancroft, Vol. IX. f Graham's Life of Morgan. 



AT THE COWPENS. 233 

event, which may throw terror into the most disciplined 
soldiers or counteract the best concerted designs." 

Cowpens offers several further parallels to Trenton. 
The long series of disasters at the South had exhausted 
the resources and well-nigh broken the hearts and crushed 
the hopes of that gallant people. King's Mountain, in- 
deed, had made a rift in the cloud, but there they had 
contended mainly with an army of tories. Added to the 
well-appointed army of Cornwallis, Tarleton had struck a 
terror into the Southern heart like that with which the 
Hessian soldiers had inspired the Northern patriots after 
the defeat of Long Island and the reverses of the com- 
mander-in-chief in New Jersey. They saw nothing to 
oppose to such adversaries. As Trenton dispelled the illu- 
sion that invested the Hessian with invincible might, so 
Cowpens broke the spell that held the Carolinas nerveless 
before Tarleton. 

At Trenton and Cowpens, Washington and Morgan 
equally realized the momentous issues of the hour, and 
felt the absolute necessity of success to the cause. After 
the landing of Washington's detachment near Trenton, 
Sullivan " reported to him by one of his aids, that the 
arms of his party were wet." " Then tell your General," 
answered Washington, "to use the bayonet, and penetrate 
into the town, for the town must be taken, and I am re- 
solved to do it." * Then Stark's bayonets rushed forward. 

Morgan knew "he walked o'er perils, on an edge, more 
likely to fall in, than to get o'er." What struggle shook 
his soul on that battle's eve, we know not ; but that he 
came out from it, strong and calm, we do know. 

Himself tells us of the terror that agitated him on that 
New Year's eve of 1775 before the assault on Quebec. " He 
was sleeping when the order was given for his regiment to 
form. Upon awaking his mind became suddenly so im- 
pressed with the fearful nature of the enterprise in which 
* Bancroft, Vol. IX. 



234 AT THE COWPENS. 

he was about to engage, that he shivered through his 
whole frame, and, for a time, felt quite unequal to the task 
which duty and honor imposed upon him. He sought 
out a secluded spot, and, kneeling down, he prayed most 
fervently for protection for himself and his men, and for 
a triumph for his country. He rose with courage and con- 
fidence, and with cheerfulness took his place at the head 
of his command." Morgan's own words are : "If ever I 
prayed in earnest it was upon that occasion, committing 
myself into the hands of the Almighty and imploring his 
protection. Having done so, I rose from my knees, dis- 
missed my fears, and led on my men to the assault. I 
verily believe it was entirely owing to an overruling Pro- 
vidence, in whom I reposed confidence, that I was so 
mercifully protected, and brought off safely from the ex- 
treme dangers through which I passed on that morning."* 

Morgan had informed himself accurately of the nature 
and strength of Tarleton's force. Picked British regulars, 
twice his number of infantry, three times his number of 
cavalry, and well served artillery. Cornwallis' army was 
almost within striking distance. Of artillery Morgan had 
none, but hoped to offset this ugly odds by the rifle-balls 
of his skilled marksmen. 

His little army included what remained of the gallant 
brigade of Marylanders under Howard, who on that shame- 
ful field of Camden, drove the British left wing before 
them at the point of their bayonets, and saved American 
honor. A more daring and effective corps of cavalry for 
its numbers than that of Colonel Washington, did not 
exist. Some of his militia had also served short terms 
among the Continental army. 

On the evening before the battle Colonel Pickens reached 

the camp with one hundred and fifty militia from the 

Broad River. During the night several other parties came 

in, fifty in all. Morgan felt himself sustained by officers 

* Graham's Life of Morgan. 



AT THE COWPENS. 235 

in whom lie reposed unwavering confidence, who, in turn, 
knew how they were generalled, and were well content to 
steel themselves from their leader's metal. 

Notably the gallant Colonel Pickens, Lieutenant-Colo- 
nels Washington and Howard of Maryland were towers 
of strength. True they had fled before Tarleton at Cam- 
den, and will again at Guilford Court-House ; but now at 
Cowpens, he shall fly before them. 

Morgan's first care was to strengthen his cavalry, so far 
inferior in numbers to that of his enemy. He called for 
volunteers, and forty-five men stepped forward. They 
were equipped and added to Washington's corps. He next 
directed his baggage to move before daylight toward the 
fords of the Broad Eiver ; and there await further orders. 
Patrolling parties were dispatched in different directions 
to watch and report every move of the enemy, who was 
encamped not far distant. The troops were dismissed to 
food and rest. Morgan with his officers sat in council ; 
and after that — the council over — what then ? 

There could be no repose for Morgan. Bodies of militia 
were arriving all through the night, on which, in part, his 
hopes depended. Some of these he had never seen before, 
and they did not know their comrades. Morgan under- 
stood the militia thoroughly ; gave them full credit for 
the kind of service they rendered, and knew how to obtain 
that service from them. 

The first sight of such a commander inspired them with 
confidence ; his powerful physique and dignified military 
presence ; his reputation for judgment and courage ; the 
fame of his achievements ; above all, the soul of goodness 
that beamed from his countenance and warmed his genial, 
friendly manner, drew their hearts to him. 

These new unpracticed militia — children in war — must 
be educated over night and brought into sympathy and 
brotherhood with his little army. Morgan must impart 
somewhat of himself to every heart and arm, that they 



236 AT THE COWPEiSTS. 

may strike together, as with one heart and one arm, on 
the morrow. 

A volunteer, Major Thomas Young, tells us this anec- 
dote, for which we thank him right heartily. He says : 

"I think Morgan never slept a moment that night. 
He was moving about among the newly arrived volunteers, 
giving them words of encouragement, inspecting their 
arms, directing them how best to prepare themselves. 
He showed a confident and cheerful air, joked with 
them about their sweethearts at home, predicting the 
certainty of success and the glory they would win. He 
promised them, if they would but stand by him, the ' old 
wagoner' would crack his whip over Ban Tarleton on the 
morrow. 'Hold up your heads, boys; three fires and you 
are free ; and when you go back to your homes, how the 
old folks will bless you, and the girls kiss you for your 
gallant deeds.' " 

Morgan argued favorably from the fact that Tarleton 
was intoxicated with his long tide of success. Lastly, with 
the morning came the intelligence that Cornwallis had 
not yet moved from Turkey Creek ; which meant that 
Leslie had not come up and he had only Tarleton to fight. 

Tarleton's army was in motion at three o'clock on the 
morning of the 17th, and at dawn an advance guard of 
his cavalry drove one of Morgan's patrols, who came into 
camp, after a running fight, and reported the ajmroach of 
the British. Meantime two troops of cavalry were sent 
forward with orders to harass the American rear, suppos- 
ing of course that they were retreating. They returned 
to announce that the Americans awaited them in battle 
array. 

They were deployed upon the field that Morgan had 
selected ; since occupied by the iron works of Messrs. 
Hampton and Elmore in Spartansburg district. 

It measured from front to rear about five hundred yards, 
and was crossed by two eminences ; the first of which, 




=- -*-*f - ^Wrl— ^ t tail* IM*. ckZ 













AT THE COWPENS. ' 237 

gently ascending and stretching to the right and left, 
attained its highest point about three hundred yards from 
the front. The ground then descended for about eighty 
yards, when it gradually rose into a second eminence. 
The position was far from the neighborhood of swamps, 
free from underbrush, and covered with an ordinary 
growth of pine trees; selected with intelligent reference 
to the character of his troops and his plan of battle. 

Morgan's muster-rolls gave over nine hundred men, but 
one detachment had gone with the baggage, another Avith 
prisoners to Salisbury, a third guarded the horses of the 
militia in the rear, and a percentage of disabled or sick 
reduced his fighting force to eight hundred. Morgan 
himself gives this number, and we take his word. The 
British force reached eleven hundred, with artillery. 

On the first eminence, Morgan posted the detachment 
that was to bear the strain of the battle — Howard's bat- 
talion of Continentals, with the Virginia militia under 
Triplett, less than four hundred men. In front of these 
were posted the main body of militia, under Colonel 
Pickens, about three hundred strong. A hundred yards in 
advance of these, were a body of Georgians to the right, 
and about the same number of Carolinians on the left, 
selected for their courage and skill with the rifle. 

Upon the second eminence, a hundred and fifty yards 
in the rear of the main body, Colonel Washington was 
posted with his cavalry, one hundred and twenty strong. 
He was to rally the militia should they fly, and protect 
them should they be pursued. Back of these the horses 
of the militia were secured to the boughs of young pine 
trees, saddled and bridled, ready for use in any emergency. 

They had scarcely taken their several positions, when 
Morgan was informed that Tarleton's dispositions were 
such as implied an immediate attack. Delay would have 
been Tarleton's best policy, and was what Morgan most 
feared, but now departed from his mind every doubt of 



238 AT THE COWPENS. 

the result, and a noble confidence inspired his every word 
and action, and communicated itself to his followers. 

While the enemy formed their line of battle, he occu- 
pied the short and awful interval to give to the respective 
lines the necessary directions, and utter a final word of 
appeal to their courage and patriotism. To the picked 
body of marksmen in front, his instructions were, to take 
the cover of the trees, and, upon the approach of the 
enemy within good shooting range, to show whether or 
not they were entitled to their reputation of brave men 
and good marksmen. 

They were to retire slowly as the enemy advanced, load- 
ing and firing under shelter of the trees, until they reached 
the main body under Pickens, with whom they were to 
act. He had set the Georgians on the right and the 
Carolinians on the left, with the view of exciting a spirit 
of rivalry. "Let me see," as he turned from the line, 
" which are most entitled to the credit of brave men." 
To the main body of militia he then addressed himself. 
His orders were, to reserve their fire until the enemy ap- 
proached within fifty yards, when, after delivering two 
well-directed rounds, they were to retire in good order and 
take position on the left of the main line, in the rear, 
firing by regiments as they fell back. 

Having concluded these minute directions, he then ap- 
pealed to their courage and patriotism. He complimented 
them upon the excellent service they had already rendered, 
with all the disadvantages of contending with regular 
troops, and besought them on this clay to add to that 
reputation. 

He asked but an ordinary display of manhood on their 
part to render victory certain. He adroitly hinted that 
flight would but ensure their destruction, while safety, 
advantage and honor would alike be obtained by a coura- 
geous resistance. He assured them that, for himself, he 
had not a doubt of the result, if they, the militia, would 



AT THE COWPEN'S. 239 

but perform their simple duty. He recalled the glory of 
his previous battle-fields, in which, at the head of his 
valiant rifle regiments, he had humbled foes far more for- 
midable than those now before him, and expressed the 
mortification he had experienced at having been compelled, 
in obedience to orders, to avoid grappling with an opponent 
whom he felt satisfied he could crush whenever he chose. 
Eehearsing his orders, with an exhortation to obey them 
with firmness, he proceeded to Howard's main line. A few 
brief words were all that were necessary here. They needed 
no stimulus of spirit-stirring speech to the performance 
of heroic deeds. 

He explained to them his instructions for the 'move- 
ments of the militia, prepared them to expect the retreat 
of that body, and his purpose to be accomplished by this 
maneuvre. He directed them to fire low and deliberately ; 
not to break on any account, and, if forced to retire, to 
rally on the eminence in their rear, where, supported by 
the cavalry and militia, there could be no defeat. He 
reminded them of their own proud achievements, and 
charged them that with them rested the final fortunes of 
the day and the good to be achieved for their country. 

Tarleton himself led the attack by moving forward with 
a small reconnoitering party. A salute of rifle-balls, from 
the American advance, convinced him that prudence was 
the better part of valor. He retired and directed a troop 
of cavalry to charge the line and drive it in upon the rear 
body of milit'o, under Pickens. The Georgians and Caro- 
linians strictly obeyed the orders they had received, — re- 
tired slowly, loading and firing, and joined the main force, 
after having emptied fifteen saddles. 

Tarleton by this time had ordered the advance of his 
artillery, and, under cover of a warm fire, was forming 
his right wing. His light and legion infantry, divesting 
themselves of everything but their arms and ammunition, 
rapidly formed on the right, and, covered by the fire of a 



240 AT THE COWPEXS. 

three-pounder, approached to within three hundred yards 
of the militia. The seventh regiment formed to the left 
of the light infantry, covered by another three-pounder. 
Fifty dragoons ou each flank completed the disposition of 
Tarleton's main line. The first battalion of the seventy- 
first infantry, with two hundred of the legion cavalry, 
were reserved at about one hundred and fifty yards to the 
rear. 

Tarleton ordered a prompt advance of the whole line, 
accompanied by a continual fire of the artilleiy. When 
within about one hundred yards of the American front, 
they received a close and deadly fire from the militia under 
Pickens. Succeeding discharges told well upon them, 
especially their officers, not one of whom showed himself 
conspicuously but was brought to the ground. 

Their pace slackened, and an evident disorder pervaded 
their line, but they recovered and continued their forward 
movement in the face of the fire of Pickens' rifles. 

The militia behaved nobly, they did more than had 
been required of them. They now retreated, facing the 
foe and firing, to their place on the American left, but, 
before they could form in position here, Tarleton ordered 
a cavalry charge. This broke their lines, and they re- 
treated rapidly, pursued by the cavalry, to the rear emi- 
nence, and to the protection of Washington's legion, — 
precisely as they had been directed. 

The British, deceived by the apparent flight of the 
militia, supposing the victory already achieved, set up a 
deafening shout, and with a rapid but uneven pace, 
pressed forward upon the main line under Howard. Now 
came the tug of battle. The Continentals held their 
ground as if rooted to the spot, and rapidly delivered their 
fire. The British line faltered, ceased to advance, and 
showed rather a disposition to retire ; so much so, that 
Tarleton hastily ordered up his reserves — infantry and 
cavalry — to their support. 



AT THE COWPENS. 241 

Morgan saw, and hailed it as an indication of discourage- 
ment and weakness ; his clarion tones sent it over the 
field, inspiring his men and officers with new energy. 

At this moment the British cavalry, which had pur- 
sued our militia to the rear, had there encountered Wash- 
ington's legion to their cost. They were now flying back 
past the American left, hotly pursued by Washington, 
while the militia, rallied and re-formed by the gallant 
Pickens, were seen coming round the rear eminence, ad- 
vancing towards the American right. Howard's division 
still maintained itself bravely, but the British reserves, 
infantry and cavalry, were now up, and the whole line 
again advancing. 

The first reinforcements took post on the left, which 
stretched their line away beyond Howard's right, and 
threatened a flank attack. For a few minutes, the peril 
was imminent ; but Morgan provided for the emergency. 
Washington's cavalry, returning from the pursuit of the 
flying British dragoons, were ordered by Morgan to charge 
the British reserve cavalry before they could effect their 
purpose on Howard's right. He himself galloped to the 
rear to hasten up the militia to the rescue. 

Just now occurred what seemed to threaten a calamity, 
but the military instinct of both Morgan and Howard 
joined to turn it into splendid victory. Until the cavalry 
and militia could reach him, a change of front suggested 
itself to Howard as the best means for a temporary check 
upon the rapidly advancing foe. He ordered the flank 
company to perform the evolution which would bring it 
at a right angle with the main body. The order was mis- 
understood, and instead, after coming to the right about, 
they marched to the rear, and the whole body faced about 
and moved after them. This was agreeable to Morgan's 
order in case they were compelled to retire. But he now 
saw the movement with a momentary consternation ; 
galloping up to Howard, they came to an understanding 
11 



242 AT THE COWPENS. 

and decided not to rectify the mistake. Instead, Morgan 
rode back to fix upon the spot for them to re-form ; — this 
movement also brought them abreast with the advancing 
militia. 

The militia had sent a galling fire into the British re- 
serve under McArthur, not only forcing it to forego its 
attempt upon the left, but to retire to some distance. 
Washington, at the same time, made a furious onset upon 
the cavalry, just as they were about to charge the Ameri- 
can flank, broke through their column, wheeled, and 
charged on them a second time, with crushing effect. 
They not only fled, but dispersed, and took no further 
part in the battle. 

The British had been thus twice misled, construing the 
change of position of Howard's line into retreat and de- 
feat. Washington, in their rear, seeing the broken esprit 
of the British line, hastened a swift message to Morgan : 
" They are coming on like a mob ; give them a fire and I 
will charge them." 

Howard's main line had by this time descended the 
slope of the first eminence and reached the rise of the 
second eminence in perfect order, when the word "halt" 
was given. Then Morgan's clarion voice rang along the 
line : " Face about, one* good fire and the victory is ours." 

It was done bravely and well ; the on-coming foe re- 
coiled before the deadly fire, and, ere they recovered the 
shock, Howard thundered, " Charge." In a moment the 
American bayonets were at their breasts ; Washington's 
cavalry were at their backs ; the whole body of militia on 
their left ; — the battle was virtually clone. The seventh 
regiment threw down their arms ; the legion and light- 
infantry attempted to fly, but the cavalry hemmed them 
in, and rode them down. 

At the feet of our army lay, suppliants for mercy, those 
who had showed none when ours had asked it from 
them. " Tarleton's quarters" ran along the line, and it 



AT THE COWPENS. 243 

required all the influence of Morgan, Howard, and the 
officers, to prevent wholesale slaughter. 

Their precipitate advance had left their artillery in their 
rear; forced by Howard's charge to recoil, their artillery was 
now again in front, and both pieces were quickly captured. 

The struggle was still continued by the militia and 
McArthur's battalion on the right. Fiercely assailed, on 
front and flank, by Pickens, they fell back, thinking to 
effect a safe retreat, when Howard wheeled upon them 
with the right wing of the American line. They were 
thrown utterly into confusion — the militia rushed upon 
them, and a hand-to-hand fight ensued. The Georgians 
took McArthur prisoner ; broken and dispirited, deserted 
by their friends and surrounded by their enemies, they 
grounded their arms at the summons of Howard. Col- 
onel Pickens received their commander's sword, and the 
militia took charge of the prisoners. 

Tarleton in vain endeavored to rally his legion cavalry, 
to advance and cover McArthur's retreat. Failing in this, 
he himself rode forward at the head of his detachment 
of the seventeenth dragoons, accompanied by fourteen 
officers of the legion cavalry, with the hope of bearing off 
the artillery. Approaching near enough to discover that 
the artillery, as well as the day, was lost, he wheeled to 
retire. Colonel Washington, seeing the party, rightly con- 
jectured that Tarleton was with this body, and, eager to 
crown the day by his capture, pursued and charged them. 

In his eagerness, Washington and a handful of men 
rode much ahead of his party, and Tarleton turned upon 
them. Nothing daunted, Washington crossed swords 
with Tarleton's aid, and experienced the superiority of 
his British steel, for his own broke near the hilt. The 
officer rose in his stirrups to give vigor to the blow 
that should dispatch our gallant knight, Colonel Wash- 
ington, when his page Collin, a lad who attended upon 
and dearly loved Washington, rode up, and discharging 



244 AT TIIE COWPENS. 

liis pistol into the officer's shoulder, the uplifted sword 
fell from his grasp. Another officer, and Tarleton him- 
self, aimed a sword thrust at Washington, now defenceless, 
but the unseen chariots and horsemen were round about 
and every blow was parried. The whole detachment now 
coming up, and Tarleton realizing his danger, decamped 
at full speed, sending a parting shot at Washington, whose 
horse received the ball. Morgan dispatched his cavalry 
and the mounted militia to pursue the flying foe and 
gather up the stragglers. Unfortunately, they took the 
wrong road at the outset. The time thus lost could not 
be recovered, for Tarleton made speed. 

The pursuit was continued for more than twenty miles, 
and though baffled in its main object, Washington in re- 
turning swept the country on each side of his route, cap- 
tured and brought in a hundred additional prisoners. 

The American loss was incredibly small — a matter of 
twelve killed and sixty-one wounded; no officer of rank 
among either. The loss was chiefly sustained by the Con- 
tinental troops, particularly by the flank companies of 
the right. 

The British killed and wounded amounted to two 
hundred and thirty, among whom ten of the killed were 
officers, and among the prisoners, twenty-seven were 
officers ; while the whole number of prisoners reached 
fully six hundred. Of the quality of the troops — they 
were Cornwallis' best. 

It was all over in less than an hour.* 

We have no idea that Morgan fashioned himself after 
Shakespeare's royal hero. Doubtless, he never heard 
of him. The parallel would startle us, did we not know 
that heroes think and speak and act alike the world 
over. 

Indulge us, reader. To the herald of the French King 

* For this account of the battle of Covvpens we are indebted sub- 
stantially to " Graham's Life of Morgan." 



AT THE COWPEJSTS. 245 

sent to Henry V., anticipating the defeat of the latter and 
demanding to know in advance what ransom he will give, 
royal Henry answers : 

" Turn thee back, 
And tell thy king, I do not seek him now, 
But could be willing to march on to Calais, 
Without impeachment. 
Go bid thy master well advise himself: 
If we may pass, we will ; if we be hindered, 
We shall, your tawny ground, with your red blood 
Discolor. 

The sum of all our answer is but this, — 
We would not seek a battle as we are ; 
Nor as we are, we say, we will not shun it ; 
So tell your master. " 

In the chorus to Act 4th, the night before the battle, 
Henry spends the hours among his troops, steeling hearts 
and nerves for the morrow. 

" For forth he goes and visits all his host ; 
Bids them good morrow, with a modest smile, 
And calls them — brothers, friends, and countrymen. 
Upon his royal face there is no note, 
How dread an army hath surrounded him ; 
Nor doth he dedicate one jot of color 
Unto the weary and all watched night ; 
But freshly looks, and overbears attaint, 
With cheerful semblance and sweet majesty; 
That every wretch, pining and pale before ; 
Beholding him, plucks comfort from his looks. 
A largess universal, like the sun, 
His liberal eye doth give to every one, 
Thawing cold fear. Then mean, and gentle, all 
Behold ! as may unworthiness define — 
A little touch of Harry (Daniel) in the night. 

Full surely there must have been those in Morgan's 
camp, who remembering the brave men loitering idly at 



24G AT THE COWPEKS. 

the " Camp of Eepose " in the Cheraw Hills, gave utterance 
to Avords akin to those of Westmoreland: " that we now 
had here but one ten thousand of those men in England 
that do no work to-day." 

And as Morgan moves among his men, drawn up in 
battle line, setting before them the issues of that day, and 
the glory that awaited them, we hear King Henry's 
Crispian speech: 

" What's he that wishes so? 
My cousin Westmoreland ? No, my fair cousin : 
If we are marked to die, we are enough 
To do our country loss ; and if to live, 
The fewer men, the greater share of honor. 
God's will 1 I pray thee, wish not one man more. 



This day is called the feast of Crispian 

He, that outlives this day and comes safe home, 

Will stand a tip-toe when this day is named, 

And rouse him at the name of Crispian. 

He that shall live this day, and see old age 

Will yearly on the vigil, feast his friends, 

And say, to-morrow is St. Crispian. 

Then will he strip his sleeves and show his scars, 

And say, these wounds I had on Crispin's day. 

Old men forget: yet all shall be forgot, 

But he'll remember with advantages, 

What feats he did that day. Then shall our names 

Familiar in their mouths as household words, 

Harry the King, Bedford and Exeter, 

Warwick and Talbot, Salisbury and Gloster, 

Be in their flowing cups freshly remembered ; 

His story shall the good man teach his son 

And Crispin Crispian shall ne'er go by 

From this day to the ending of the world 

But we in it shall be remembered. 

We few, we happy few, we band of brothers, 

For he to-day that sheds his blood with me 

Shall be my brother ; be he ne'er so vile, 

This day, shall gentle his condition. 



AT THE COWPEJSTS. 247 

And, gentlemen in England now abed, 
Shall think themselves accursed, they were not here, 
And hold their manhoods cheap, while any speaks, 
That fought with us, upon St. Crispin's day." 

The battle won, we hear the royal hero: 

" K. H. Now herald; are the dead numbered? 

Herald. Here is the number of the slaughtered French. 

K. H. This note doth tell me of ten thousand French 
That in the field lie slain. 
In these ten thousand they have lost, 
There are but sixteen hundred mercenaries ; 
The rest are — princes, barons, lords, knights, squires 
And gentlemen of blood and quality. 
Here was a royal fellowship of death ! 
Where is the number of our English dead? 
[Herald presents another paper.] 

Edward the duke of York, the earl of Suffolk, 
Sir Richard Ketly, Davy Gam, esquire ; 
None else of name, — and of all other men, 
But five and twenty." 

King Henry too gives thanks right christianly : 

" God, thy arm was here, 
And not to us, but to thy arm alone, 
Ascribe we all ; When ? without stratagem, 
But in plain shock, and even play of battle, 
Was ever known, so great and little loss 
On one part and on the other ? Take it God 
For it is only thine ! " 

And here is our modest hero's letter to his commander 
General Greene, in which he praises everybody but himself. 

" Camp near Cain Cheek, January 19, 1781. 
"Dear Sir : — The troops I have the honor to command, 
have gained a great victory over a detachment from the 
British army, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton. 



248 AT THE COWPENS. 

The action happened on the 17th instant, about sunrise, 
at a place called Cowpens, near Pacolet river. * * * 
"Such was the inferiority of our numbers that our 
success must be attributed to the justice of our cause and 
the gallantry of our troops. My wishes would induce me 
to name every sentinel in the corps. In justice to the 
bravery and good conduct of the officers, I have taken the 
liberty to enclose you a list of their names, from a convic- 
tion that you will be pleased to introduce such characters 
to the world. 

" I am, dear sir, 

" Your obedient servant, 

"Daniel Morgan. 
"To General Greene." 



XXVL— 1781. 

MORGAN'S RETREAT. 

THE first news of this crushing defeat reached Corn- 
wallis' camp by the flying cavalry, on the evening 
of the 17th January. Astonishment and mortification 
equally possessed him. He had not entertained a mo- 
ment's anxiety for the result of the encounter, so extrava- 
gant was his estimate of Tarleton's ability, with his picked 
command, to completely crush Morgan. 

Tarleton criticises Cornwallis very freely in his "Cam- 
paign," for failing to co-operate with him according to 
pre-arrangement, and says, " it would have prevented the 
misfortune, or, at least, softened its results." He felt the 
humiliation and disgrace keenly, and promptly requested 
Cornwallis either to announce his approbation of his con- 
duct, or to grant him leave to retire until the affair could 
be investigated. 

In reply, Cornwallis writes to him : " You have forfeited 
no part of my esteem, as an officer, by the unfortunate 
affair of the 17th. The means you used to bring the 
enemy to action were able and masterly, and must ever do 
you honor. Your dispositions were unexceptionable. The 
total misbehavior of our troops, could alone have deprived 
you of the glory which was so justly your due." 

Again, in his despatches, Cornwallis writes : "His supe- 
riority of numbers, quality of fighting material, artillery 
and cavalry, with advantage of position, left Tarleton no 
room to doubt of the most brilliant success." To Lord 
Germain : " The unfortunate affair of the 17th was a 



250 morgan's retreat. 

very severe and unexpected blow, for besides reputation, 
our loss did not fall short of six hundred men." To 
Sir Henry Clinton : "It is impossible, to foresee all the 
consequences that this unexpected and extraordinary event 
may produce, but your Excellency may be assured that 
nothing but the most absolute necessity shall induce me 
to give up the important object of the winter's campaign." 
Tarleton says : " As the defeat of Ferguson, at King's 
Mountain, made the first invasion of North Carolina im- 
possible, so the battle of Cowpens would probably make 
the second disastrous." 

Cowpens demonstrates all the qualities of field general- 
ship, but what shall be said of the retreat which Morgan 
conducted from the field to Guilford Court-House? — a 
distance of more than one hundred and fifty miles — stag- 
gering beneath the weight of his spoils : six hundred 
prisoners, artillery, standards, eight hundred muskets, a 
traveling forge, wagons, etc. For the artillery, Morgan 
had captured them from the British at Saratoga in 1777 ; 
the British had retaken them from Gates at Camden, and 
Morgan had again captured them at Cowpens. What 
Nemesis watched here ? 

The battle over, "far from being intoxicated with his 
victory, Morgan thought only of the imminent perils that 
yet menaced him." It was still within the power of his 
enemy to pluck from him all the fruits of his victory. 
He shows now a magnificent poise of courage and judg- 
ment. Instant retreat was imperative. 

Before sunset, Cornwallis would hear of the destruction 
of Tarleton's army. Leslie was momentarily expected in 
his camp. The British army had been for days under 
marching orders. Stung by a sense of loss and humilia- 
tion, the British commander would surely put forth a 
stupendous effort to pursue and overtake him, recover his 
captured light infantry, and punish Morgan's temerity. 

The victorious General must resort now to ruse ; he 



morgan's retreat. 251 

threw out the idea that he intended to cross the Broad 
Eiver and hold the country north of it. He tarried no 
longer than to arrange for the burying of the dead and 
the care of the wounded of both armies. Arms and 
trophies filled the wagons, prisoners were collected and 
guarded, and the whole army in motion before noon. At 
sunset he crossed the Broad River at the Cherokee Ford, 
and encamped on its north bank. 

A few hours rest was all he allowed his army — they 
were on the march long before daylight. Washington and 
his cavalry had now rejoined them. Morgan put all the 
prisoners under his charge, directing them to cross the 
Catawba by the upper fords. The main body took a more 
direct road to Eamsower's Mills, on the little Catawba. 
Morgan turned his ear backward, continually listening for 
the pursuers on his track ; what, then, was his surprise 
and joy to learn from his detectives on the 20th that, up 
to the 19th, Cornwallis was still in his camp. He pushed 
forward with equal vigor and hope. 

Meantime, Leslie had joined forces with Cornwallis on 
the 18th, after their long and difficult march up through 
nearly the whole length of the State. On the 19th, the 
British army moved towards King's Creek, and Tarleton 
was directed to cross the Broad Eiver and reconnoitre for 
intelligence of Morgan, of whose movements they were 
in profound ignorance ; so well had he kept his own coun- 
sel. By way of palliating his disgrace at Cowpens, Tarle- 
ton had represented Morgan's forces at two thousand. L; 
this were so, it behooved Cornwallis to move warily in his 
vicinity. Tarleton crossed the river, but learned only 
that Morgan had marched immediately from the battle- 
field, crossed the Broad by the upper fords, and the im- 
pression prevailed that he intended to hold that part of 
the country. 

Cornwallis now caught eagerly at the hope of cornering 
him and undoing the work of the 17th. But Morgan's 



252 morgan's retreat. 

ruse was entirely successful ; while lie was pushing rapidly 
eastward toward the Catawba, Cornwallis hurried nearly 
northwest, toward a point which Morgan had passed two 
days before. 

Vexed, foiled, and out-general ed, he now turned his army 
in the direction his wily adversary had taken. Encumbered 
with his splendid baggage-train, he reached the west bank 
of the Little Catawba at Kamsower's Mills, on the 24th, 
to find that Morgan had crossed two days before, and 
doubtless by this time had passed the Great Catawba, and 
was safe upon its east bank. 

It was even so, and Morgan's fears floated down with its 
tide ; nothing now could deprive him of the glories of that 
hard-fought field of Cowpens. As his hopes rose, those of 
Cornwallis sank. His boastful promises to the British 
ministry ! — what prospect to make them good ? His mili- 
tary reputation was in eclipse, and if not retrieved by 
some speedy stroke of arms, would bring upon him the 
censure of his superiors. " In sight, as it were, of his 
headquarters, a large detachment of his army had been 
captured ; yet he had suffered it, together with its arms, 
standards, cannon, baggage, etc., to be borne off by an 
inconsiderable force, in a circuitous route, towards a point 
which he ought to have known would be aimed at, and 
which was nearer to himself than to his opponent. He 
made no vigorous, well-directed effort to amend his mis- 
haps until the time had passed for such effort to avail." * 

Vexed now to bewilderment, Cornwallis came to the 
desperate resolution of destroying his supply trains, and 
burning his baggage, thus disencumbering his whole army 
for a chase. Nothing but an absolute certainty of success 
could justify a step which involved the abandonment of 
his contemplated winter campaign ; but, learning that 
Morgan had come to a halt at Sherrald's Ford, on the east 

* Graham's Life of Morgan. 



morgan's retreat. 253 

bank of the Catawba, he proceeded to execute his mad 
resolution. 

Morgan had halted to recruit and rest his men, and 
hoped to get some intelligence from Greene's army. 

His health had been but partially re-established, when the 
urgent appeal" of the South brought him again into the 
field. The exposure of a winter campaign, in the rainy 
season, without tents or shelter, without comforts or even 
necessary food, had induced fever and ague, and developed 
his old enemy, sciatica, — souvenir of his winter in Maine 
and Canada. 

The pain was torture : he was well-nigh disabled. It 
was now the 23d of January, seven days after Cowpens. 
Morgan turns his ear anxiously towards the hills of Cheraw, 
but it is still a " Camp of Kepose," — they did not hear of 
Cowpens until the 25th. 

He writes : 

" Sherrald's Ford, January 23, 1781. 

" Sir : — I arrived here this morning. The prisoners 
crossed at Island Ford. I shall send them on to Salisbury 
in the morning guarded by Major Triplitt's militia, whose 
time expires this day. Lord Cornwallis, whether from 
bad intelligence or to make a show, moved up towards 
Gilbert town to intercept me, the day after I had passed 
him. * * * 

" I received your letters of the 13th inst. Would have 
endeavored to get the cloth [Wade Hampton's], but being- 
obliged to come so far out of the way with my prisoners, 
puts it entirely out of my power. However, I will com- 
municate the matter to Colonel Pickens ; perhaps he may 
have some enterprising followers that would undertake 
it. I have engaged one of his captains to go round and 
kill the enemy's horses : perhaps he may do the other 
business, i" intend to stay at this place till I hear from 
you, in order to recruit the men and get in good train. 



254 morgan's retreat. 

We must be fitted out with pack-horses, for, as I wrote 
you before, wagons will not do for light troops. 

"I have got men who are watching the enemy's move- 
ments, and will give you the earliest accounts. I think 
they will be this way, if the stroke we gave Tarleton don't 
check them. 

"At this time we have six hundred prisoners. 
" I have the honor to be, etc. 

" Daniel Morgan. 

" Major General Greene." 

One scents a little covert irony in the following. 

Suerrald's Ford, January 24, 1781. 

" Sir : — I have just received your letter of the 19th [two 
days after Cowpens], and am much obliged to you for your 
cautions against a surprise. Mr. Tarleton might as well 
have been surprised himself, as been so devilishly beaten 
as he was. 

" I approve much of having boats with the main army, 
but would not wish to have any with me ; my party is too 
ivcalc to guard them. I am convinced that a descent into 
Georgia would answer a very good purpose. It would 
draw the attention of the enemy that way, and would 
much disconcert my Lord's plans. 

"I am convinced by every circumstance, he intends to 
march through this part of the State towards Virginia, 
and his making a junction with Leslie, fixes me in that 
opinion. 

" I should be exceedingly glad to make a descent into 
Georgia, but am so emaciated that I can't undertake it. 
I grow worse every hour. I can't ride out of a walk. I 
am exceedingly sorry to leave the field at such a time as 
this, but it must be the case. Pickens is a very enter- 
prising man, and a very judicious one : perhaps he might 
answer the purpose. 



morgan's retreat. 255 

" I have bad no intelligence from Lord Cornwall's this 
two days. I expect to hear from him every hour. If 
anything interesting transpires, I will let you know it 
immediately. 

" I have the honor, etc., 

"Daniel Morgan. 
"Major General Greene. 

" 1ST. B. My detachment is much weakened by this 
fight with Tarleton. We have near fifty men disabled. 
We have nothing to drink." 

They had cherry bounce at Cheraw Hills, for Morgan's 
good friend Colonel 0. H. Williams writes to him im- 
mediately upon receiving the news of his victory,— though 
Morgan does not receive it for many days after. 

" Camp Pedee, January 25, 1781. 

" Dear General : — I rejoice exceedingly at your success. 
The advantages you have gained are important, and do 
great honor to your little corps. 1 am delighted that the 
accumulated honors of a young partisan, should be plun- 
dered by my old friend. 

" We have had a feu dejoie, drank all your healths, and 
swore you were the finest fellows on earth, and love you 
if possible more than ever. The General has, I think, 
made his compliments in very handsome terms. Enclosed 
is a copy of his orders. It was written immediately after 
we received the news, and during the operation of some 
cherry bounce. Compliments to Howard and all friends. 
Adieu. 

"Sincerely yours, 

" 0. H. Williams. 

" Brigadier General Morgan." 

Letters from Morgan to Greene under same date run 
thus : 



250 morgan's retreat. 

" Sherrald's Ford, January 25, 1781, Sunrise. 

"Si?': — I am this moment informed by express that 
Comwallis is at Eamsower's Mills, on their march this 
way, destroying all before him. I shall know the truth 
of this in a few hours and let you know immediately. 
" I am your obedient servant, 

" Daniel Morgan." 

Yet again same date : 

" Sherrald's Ford, January 25, 1781. 

" Dear General : — I receive intelligence every hour of 
the enemy's rapid approach, in consequence of which I am 
sending off my wagons. My numbers at this time are too 
weak to fight them. / intend to move toioards Salisbury 
in order to get near the main army. I know they intend 
to bring me to an action which I am resolved carefully to 
avoid. I expect you will move somewhere on the Yadkin to 
oppose their crossing. 

" I think it would be advisable to join our forces and 
fight them before they join Phillips, which they certainly 
will do, if they are not stopped. I have ordered the com- 
manding officer at Salisbury to move off with the prisoners 
and stores. If you think it right, you will repeat it. I 
cannot ascertain the enemy's numbers, but suppose them 
odds of two thousand ; that number if they keep in a com- 
pact body, we cannot hurt. 

" I am, dear General, etc., 

"Daniel Morgan." 

" Camp Sherrald's Ford, January 25, 1781. 
"Sir: — The enemy encamped last night at Eamsower's 
Mills in force ; they marched near thirty miles yesterday. 
It is my opinion they intend to make a forced march 
through this part of the State, and make a junction with 
Phillips high up in the country. If so, the positioti you 
hare taken will be much out of the way. If Comwallis and 



morgan's retreat. 257 

Leslie have joined forces^ we are not able to contend with 
them. All the Southern militia have dispersed. What 
numbers General Davidson has I am not able to inform 
you, as they were only collecting yesterday. From this 
information you will be able to dispose of your army in the 
best manner. I will do everything in my power ; but you 
may not put much dependence in me, for I can neither 
ride nor walk. I will continue to give you every intelli- 
gence in my power. 

" I have the honor to be, 

"Daniel Morgan." 

Again : 

" Sherrald's Ford, January 25, 1781. 

"Dear Sir : — After my late success, and my sanguine 
expectation to do something clever this campaign, I must 
inform you that I shall be obliged to give over the pur- 
suit, by reason of an old pain returning upon me that laid 
me up four months of last winter and spring. It is a 
sciatica that renders me entirely incapable of active ser- 
vice. I have had it for three weeks, 'but, on getting wet 
the other day, it has seized me more violently, which gives 
me great pain when I ride, and at times, when walking or 
standing, am obliged to sit clown as quick as if I were shot. 

I am not unacquainted with the hurt my retiring will 
be to the service, as the people have much dependence in 
me, but the love I have for my country, and the willing- 
ness I have always showed to serve it, will convince you 
that nothing would be wanting on my side were I able to 
persevere. So I must beg leave of absence till I find my- 
self able to take the field again. If I can procure a 
chaise, I will endeavor to get home. General Davidson, 
Colonel Pickens, and General Sumter, can manage the 
militia better than I can, and will well supply my place. 

" I have this moment received intelligence that the 
enemy are within a few miles from this place, moving on 



258 morgan's retreat. 

rapidly. My party arc so weak that I think I must give 
way. 

" I have the honor to be, etc., 

''Daniel Morgan." 

The next letter is under date of January 28th, twelve clays 
after Cowpens. — No sign or sound of the main army. 

" Sherrald's Ford, January 28, 1781. 

" Sir: — Lord Cornwallis encamped on the 24th at Eam^ 
sower's Mills, with his main body from Broad River. My 
reason for not writing to you for two days was to find out 
which way they really intended, that I might have it in 
my power to inform you fully. I am trying to collect the 
militia to make a stand at this place. I have ordered 
General Davidson, with five hundred militia, to Beatty's 
Ford. We are filling all the private fords to make them 
impassable. The one I lie at, I intend to leave open. I 
ordered all the prisoners and stores from Salisbury to the 
-Moravian town. I am told they are gone under a weak 
guard. 1 hope some of them don't get away. If the 
enemy pursued, I ordered them to Augusta, Virginia ; 
should be glad if you would give orders concerning them. 

" I am a little apprehensive that Cornwallis intends 
to surprise me, lying so still this day or two ; but if the 
militia don't deceive me, whom I am obliged to trust to 
as guards up and down the river, I think I will put it out 
of his power. 

" If I were able to ride and see about everything myself, 
I should think myself perfectly safe ; but I am obliged to 
lie in a house out of camp, not being able to encounter 
the badness of the weather. However, nothing in my 
power shall be left undone to secure this part of the 
country and annoy the enemy. 

"I have the honor to be, etc., 

"Daniel Morgan." 



morgan's retreat. 259 

" Beatty's Foed, January 29th, 1781. 
[Twelve days after " Cowpens."J 

" Dear Sir : — I have just arrived at this place to view 
our situation. General Davidson is here with eight hundred 
men. The enemy is within ten miles of this place in force ; 
their advance is in sight. It is uncertain whether they 
intend to cross here or not. I have detached two hundred 
men to the Tuckaseega Ford, to fill it up and defend it. 

" An express has just arrived who informs me that they 
have burned their wagons and loaded their men heavily. 
I am just returning to Sherrald's Ford, where our regulars 
lie. I expect they will attempt to cross in the morning. 
I will let you hear every particular, 

" I have the honor to be, 

"Daniel Morgan." 

It was now January 30th, the fourteenth day from the 
battle of Cowpens ; still no sign or sound from the main 
army. 

Morgan lay yet at Sherrald's Ford, hoping to be joined 
by militia, and hoping against hope for help from Greene. 
The militia came in slowly; it was the time for preparing the 
ground for planting; this must be attended to, or starvation 
of their families was certain. Also, it was Tarleton's and 
Cornwallis' orders to burn the house of every whig who 
was absent from home. Notwithstanding the check 
at Cowpens, the whole on-coming British army was 
upon them. Morgan saw that there ought to be another 
battle fought at the Catawba, if they were to accomplish 
what they had been sent to do, namely, to keep Cornwallis 
out of Virginia, and drive him back to the sea. But his 
pigmy force had dwindled. The Georgia and South Caro- 
lina volunteers had gone back, while the term of service 
of Triplett's Virginia militia had expired. Morgan re- 
solved to wait until the last moment of safety, hoping, if 
Greene brought up the army, to dispute Cornwallis' passage 



2G0 mobgan's retreat. 

of the river. A heavy rain had fallen on the 29th, and 
Morgan was safe so long as the river continued unfordable. 

Thus matters stood when, on the morning of January 
30th, General Greene rode into Morgan's camp accom- 
panied only by one aid and an escort of cavalry. What 
for? " That way lies" honor. It was not a General that 
was wanted— it was an army. 

We can nowhere find what greeting Morgan gave him ; 
they parted company before many hours, for the river fell 
as rapidly as it rose, and Morgan was compelled to move 
on. Greene had started his army on the 29th of January — 
it took four days to get it in motion after the news of the 
battle reached it on the 25th, but it was marching towards 
Salisbury, not Catawba, under General Huger. 

Cornwallis would cross on the morrow ; therefore, on 
the evening of the 31st, " Morgan, with his force, moved 
off in silence, and, pushing forward all that night and the 
next day, gained a full day's march ahead of the enemy." 
Greene remained at the Catawba. Morgan made for the 
Yadkin. The march was conducted in a sweeping, drench- 
ing winter rain. The Yadkin was rising rapidly, but Mor- 
gan had provided for his crossing, by assembling all the 
boats for miles. Upon reaching the fords, he found 
hundreds of terrified people flying from the on-coming 
British army, and the tender mercies of Tarleton. They, 
too, threw themselves upon Morgan's protection. He gave 
it — " Great Heart" — sent them all safely across, though his 
guard on the west bank had a hot skirmish with Corn- 
wallis' advance cavalry, who endeavored to seize the boats, 
but were driven back. 

Morgan inarched on towards Guilford C. H., in North 
Carolina, whither the main army were also now ordered 
to direct their march. But he now began to be anxious 
for the comfort of his worn-down, half-starved soldiers. 
He could neither ride on horseback nor walk, but, on 
the 5th of February, giving the command to Lieutenant- 



MOEGA^'S EETEEAT. 261 

Colonel Howard, he took a carriage and rode ahead to 
prepare quarters and supplies. He accomplished all, and 
wrote to General Greene : 

" Guilford C. H., February 6, 1781. 

" Sir : — I arrived here last evening, and sent a number 
of prisoners that were here, to join the main body. About 
four thousand pounds of salted meat, corn-meal and 
forage equivalent, is promised me. I am much indisposed 
with pain. When I get everything in as good a trim as 
possible respecting provisions, etc., I shall move on slowly 
to some safe retreat and try to recover. 

" I am sincerely, etc., 

"Daniel Moegast." 

Morgan's army reached Guilford C. H., on February 
8th, and on the 9th the main army, under Huger, with 
the cavalry of Lee, arrived, making a force of two thou- 
sand, of whom six hundred were militia. 

On the tenth of October, Morgan took a carriage and 
started towards home. His sufferings had become almost 
insupportable. After a few days traveling, he was forced 
to stop at the house of Geueral Lawson. Again he set 
out, and was again compelled to stop and gather strength. 
His friend, Carter Harrison, received the war-worn hero, 
and here he remained some time. 



XXVII.— 1781. 
MORGAN AT HOME. 

MORGAN reached his home, near Winchester, ema- 
ciated to the hone, shaken hy tertian ague, racked 
with torturing pains and oppressed with mental fore- 
bodings that his battle-days and deeds were done. That 
herculean frame, with its iron fibre, — fitting abode for the 
kingly spirit that inhabited it, — already tottered to its final 
fall. Both Morgan and Washington seemed physically 
organized for centenarians, but hard service curtailed 
them of a quarter of a century. 

His hours of painful weariness were cheered by letters 
of congratulation from brother officers, and acknowledg- 
ments of Congress and other public bodies, of the brilliant 
and valuable service he had just performed. From the 
House of Delegates of Virginia : 

" Friday, March 9th, 1781. 
" Resolved, That Brigadier-General Morgan be requested 
to accept of a horse with furniture, and a sword, as a 
further testimony of the high esteem of his country for 
his military character and abilities, so gloriously displayed 
in the victory gained by him and the troops he lately com- 
manded in South Carolina," etc. 

From Hon. Eichard Henry Lee : 

" Richmond, March 21, 1781. 
" Sir :— It is with peculiar pleasure that I execute the 
order of the House of Delegates, in transmitting to you 



MORGAN AT HOME. 2G3 

their sense, and through, them the sense that your country 
entertains, of the many signal services performed by you 
in the various victories that you have obtained over the 
enemies of the United States, and more especially in the 
late well-timed total defeat given to the British troops in 
South Carolina. I am directed to request of you, sir, that 
you will convey to the brave officers and troops under 
your command in the action of the 17th of January, the 
sense entertained by the House of Delegates of their valor 
and great service on that occasion. 

" Having thus discharged my duty to the House of Dele- 
gates, permit me to lament that the unfortunate state of 
your health should deprive the public of those eminent 
services in the field which you are so capable of perform- 
ing. Let me hope that it will not be long before return 
of health will restore you to the army and to your country. 
" I have the honor to be, 

" Eichaed Henry Lee, Sec. 
" Brigadier-General Morgan"." 

From Governor Rutledge to General Morgan. 

" Cheraws, January 25, 1781. 
"Dear Sir: — I request that you will be pleased to 
accept my warmest and most cordial thanks, and that you 
will present them to the brave officers and men under 
your command, for the good conduct and intrepidity 
manifested in the action with Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton 
on the 17th of January. This total defeat of chosen 
British troops, by a number far inferior to them, will for- 
ever distinguish the gallant men by whom the glorious 
victory was obtained and endear them to their country. 
Colonel Pickens' behavior justified the opinion I have 
always had of that gallant officer. Enclosed is a Briga- 
dier's commission, of which I desire his acceptance. 

"I am, etc., 

"J. Rutledge." 



2G4 MORGAN AT IIOME. 

Congress also expressed their approbation by passing a 
preamble and resolutions of appreciation and obligation 
to the officers and men who took part in the action of 
Cowpens. They directed that a gold medal, with suitable 
inscriptions, should be presented to Morgan, to Colonels 
Washington and Howard a silver medal, and to Major 
Triplitt a sword. 

It was scarcely over-estimated. In consideration of the 
respective numbers, c|uality of fighting material, etc., it 
was certainly the most brilliant action of the war. Had 
Greene brought his army with him to the Catawba, the 
passage of that river by Cornwallis could have been 
either utterly disputed or made so disastrous as to have 
compelled that General to fall back into lower South 
Carolina. 

Lest Morgan should be over-much exalted, the envious 
hastened to discharge their little arrows of criticism and 
innuendo at the colossus who, for a time, had arrested the 
attention of the continent. Tarleton, stung by so com- 
plete a castigation from one whom he affected to despise, 
impugns Morgan's judgment, accusing him of temerity 
in selecting a battle-field disadvantageous to the American 
army and favorable for the British. 

He says : "The situation of the enemy was desperate 
in case of a misfortune ; an open country and a river in 
their rear, threw them entirely in the power of a superior 
cavalry, whilst the light troops [British], in case of a re- 
pulse, had the expectation of a neighboring force [Corn- 
wallis' army] to protect them from destruction." Tarle- 
ton does not seem to be aware of the recoil of such a 
criticism. 

Morgan, in a few words, justifies himself from the 
charge of temerity, and establishes the ripe military judg- 
ment that fixed upon the field of Cowpens. 

" I would not," said he, "have had a swamp in view of 



MORGAN" AT HOME. 265 

my militia upon any consideration ; they would have made 
for it, and nothing could have detained them. As to 
covering my wings ; I knew my adversary, and was per- 
fectly sure I should have nothing but down-right fighting. 
As to retreat, it was the very thing I wished to cut off all 
hope of. I would have thanked Tarleton if he had sur- 
rounded me with his cavalry. It would have been better 
than placing my own men in the rear to shoot down those 
who broke from the ranks. 

" When men are forced to fight, they will sell their 
lives as dearly as possible. I knew that the dread of 
Tarleton's cavalry would give due weight to the protection 
of my bayonets and keep my troops from breaking, as 
Buford's regiment had done. 

" Had I crossed the river, one-half of the militia would 
immediately have abandoned me." 

Simply, Tarleton had " reckoned without his host ;" he 
had come to Cowpens to meet his master. 

Colonel Lee, who saw himself hopelessly eclipsed by the 
splendor of Cowpens, ascribes Morgan's determination to 
fight Tarleton to a " sudden fit of ill-temper, which over- 
ruled the suggestions of Morgan's sound and discrimina- 
ting judgment." 

His masterly retreat, before so superior an enemy, was 
pronounced " miraculous." 

Lee likewise accuses him of quarreling with Greene, of 
showing a disregard for the safety of the main body of 
the army. Doubtless he had reason for some curious 
thoughts of his Commanding General, but there is no 
proof that any jarring words passed between them ; their 
subsequent correspondence entirely contradicts such an 
assertion.* For magnanimity Morgan ranks with Wash- 
ington. 

His motives for leaving the service were also impugned ; 
it was insinuated that his ill-health was feigned. Those 
* Lee's Memoirs and Graham's Life of Morgan. 
12 



266 MORGAN AT HOME. 

are the small accusements of small minds, contradicted 
by the most obvious facts and motives of the case, and in 
direct opposition to the express assertions of Morgan him- 
self. He was of other stuff than that which makes liars 
and hypocrites. 

Bancroft says : "A severe attack of acute rheumatism, 
consequent on the exposure of this and former campaigns, 
forced him to take leave of absence. Wherever he had 
appeared, he had always heralded the way to daring action. 
He first attracted attention at Boston, was foremost -on 
the march through the wilderness to Canada, and fore- 
most to take Quebec by storm. He bore the brunt of 
every engagement with Burgoyne's army, and now he had 
won the most extraordinary victory of the war. He took 
with him into retirement the praises of all the army and 
of the chief civil representatives of the country. Again 
and again hopes rose that he might once more appear in 
arms ; but the unrelenting malady obliged him to refuse 
the invitation of La Fayette and even of Washington." 

This last was true in effect though not literally ; he took 
the field at the urgent solicitation of La Payette and of 
Governor Jefferson, during the siege of Yorktown, but 
soon succumbed to his distressing malady. 



XXVIIL— 1781. 
GREENE'S RETREAT ACROSS THE DAN. 

TURNING over General Greene's letters to Washing- 
ton after Cowpens, we read under date of Jan. 24, 
"Camp of Kepose": "The event is glorious, and I am 
exceedingly unhappy that our wretched condition will 
not permit of our improving it to the best advantage. 
I shall do all I can, but our prospects are gloomy. Our 
force is small and daily declining. We have no clothing 
or provisions but what we collect from day to day." 
On January 28, four days after hearing of Cowpens, "I 
have the satisfaction to transmit to your Excellency a 
letter from Brigadier-General Morgan, announcing the 
total defeat of Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton. The vic- 
tory was complete and the action glorious. The bril- 
liancy and success with which it was fought does the 
highest honor to the American arms, and adds splen- 
dor to the character of the General and his officers. 
I am unhappy that the distressed condition of this army 
will not admit of our improving the advantage we have 
gained." * 

Under date of February 9, Guilford C. H., 1781, 
General Greene gives the reason for leaving his army and 
riding in haste into Morgan's camp at Sherrald's Ford. 
He says : "I set out to join the light infantry in order 
to collect the militia and embarrass the enemy till we 
could effect a junction of our forces." f 

* Sparks Cor., Vol. Ill, pp. 214-218. 
\ Sparks' Cor., Vol. Ill, p. 225. 



208 greene's eetheat across the dan. 

We have already referred to the difficulty of persuading 
the militia from their agricultural duties at this juncture, 
hut General Davidson's influence had collected about 
eight hundred men, who were posted at the different fords 
of the Catawba. When Morgan found that Cornwallis 
would certainly cross the Catawba in a few hours, he 
moved away towards the Yadkin, leaving Greene behind 
to "collect the militia and embarrass the enemy." Gen- 
eral Greene conducted no part of the retreat of Morgan's 
force, but followed him to the Yadkin two days after. 

The patriot leader Davidson, with four hundred militia, 
took post at McGowan's Ford, a short distance below 
Sherrald's Ford, where Morgan's army had lain. He 
resolved to dispute as long as possible the crossing of 
Cornwallis, or at least inflict as heavy a loss upon him 
as possible. Greene writes : " The enemy crossed at 
McGowan's Ford, where General Davidson was posted 
with the greatest part of the militia, who fled at the first 
discharge. The enemy made good the landing, and the 
militia retreated. A place of rendezvous was appointed 
for the militia to collect at, who were posted at the dif- 
ferent fords up and down the river above thirty miles. 
Part of them halted about seven miles short of the place 
of rendezvous, and were overtaken by Tarleton and dis- 
persed. I waited that night at the place appointed for 
the militia to collect at till morning ; but not a man 
appeared."* This is an error that does injustice to the 
militia and to the valiant Davidson who stood to his post 
and there yielded up his life for his country. 

It was a brave risk that Cornwallis took in the darkness 
of that winter morning, to cross a stream "five hundred 
yards wide, two to four feet deep, and with a current so 
rapid as to require the greatest care and exertions on the 
part of those crossing to prevent being swept away." 

Davidson discovered their approach and opened fire 
* Sparks' Cor., Vol. Ill, p. 226. 



Greene's eeteeat aceoss the dan. 269 

upon them when they had reached the middle of the 
stream. Their guide then deserted the British, and this 
circumstance, which at first appeared to be a calamity, 
ensured their safety. They no longer followed the ford 
but kept their way directly across the stream, and landed 
at a point about four hundred yards above the spot where 
Davidson expected them. Learning the turn of affairs, 
he moved upon them and opened a severe fire upon the 
British advance guard. After a sharp action in which 
the enemy lost sixty killed and many wounded and swept 
away by the current, Davidson was mounting his horse to 
bring off his detachment, when a British bullet pierced 
him and he fell dead.* 

Inevitably, the militia, left without a leader, scattered ; 
and of the eight hundred collected by Davidson, but three 
hundred reported at the appointed rendezvouz at Tarrant's 
Tavern, where Taiieton was quickly upon them. This 
dissolved the whole body. We might reasonably expect 
that General Greene would have been at the ford with 
Davidson, or at least at the rendezvous at Tarrant's 
Tavern, ten miles from the Catawba, but he was at neither 
place ; he stopped at the house of a Mr. Oarr, sixteen 
miles away. As "not a man appeared," he rode on to 
Salisbury and alighted, worn and exhausted, at the door of 
the tavern. " "What, alone ! General Greene ? " asked an 
officer who was expecting him. 

"Yes, hungry, penniless and alone," added Greene. 

Here occurred the incident so often told of Greene, 
when the landlady brought her little store of gold, hoarded 
for the dire extremities of those evil times, and gave him 
all. Likewise, after supper, Greene noticed on the wall a 
picture of King George, which he turned with its face to 
the wall and wrote upon it, "Hide thy face, George, and 
blush." 

He followed and overtook Morgan at the Yadkin, and 
* Graham's Life of Morgan. 



270 Greene's retreat across the dan. 

writes : " As soon as I arrived at the infantry camp, / wrote 
letters to all the militia officers over the mountains to 
embody their men and join the army. Very few have 
joined us." 

Greene had written to Lee to hasten his junction with 
the army, saying, "Here is a fine field and great glory 
ahead," but after joining all forces at Guilford, equal if 
not greater than that of Cornwallis, he declined a battle 
and announced his intention to continue the retreat over 
the Dan into Virginia, where he expected further rein- 
forcements, — a keen disappointment to bis officers, espe- 
cially those who were fresh from the field of Cowpens and 
eager again to measure swords with the enemy. Jobnson 
says : " The fallen countenances of his officers proclaimed 
their disappointment." 

Before leaving the army Morgan had indicated his 
preference for his successor as commander of the light 
troops. He had named his friend Colonel 0. H. Williams. 

The question now was, how to make the passage of the 
Dan, for Cornwallis had gained its upper fords ; but 
Carrington, Greene's quartermaster and a most efficient 
officer, suggested that the army cross by the lower fords, 
on rafts and boats which he had assembled there. Colonel 
Williams with his light infantry protected the rear, and 
Greene and his whole army were passed safely over the 
Dan. 

"But for Carrington's energy and punctuality in col- 
lecting the boats upon the Dan, the retreat which saved 
the South, would have been its ruin."* It is somewhat 
difficult to understand how Greene's retreat saved the 
South. It would have been "better in the breach than 
the observance," since it abandoned the Carolinas once 
more to the British and royalists, who uprose and returned 
to their evil deeds. Tarleton says: "Having chased 
Greene's army out of North Carolina, the king's standard 
* Greene's Life of Greene. 



geeene's eeteeat aceoss the dak. 271 

was raised at Hillsborough.." Bancroft says: "Seven 
companies were formed in one day." 

From the Dan, Greene wrote : "I wish it was in my 
power to give your Excellency more flattering accounts 
from this quarter. However, my utmost exertions shall 
be continued to save these States. I shall be happy if my 
conduct meets with your approbation, as my situation 
affords me no prospect of personal glory." Being heavily 
reinforced by Virginia militia, Greene recrossed the Dan. 
Finding his force more than twice that of Cornwallis, 
Greene essayed a battle at Guilford C. H. 

His plan of battle was somewhat at fault, his three 
divisions being posted at too great a distance to properly 
support each other. Likewise concerning the militia. 
"Greene had always differed from Washington on the 
proper manner of using militia ; the former thought they 
should be used as a reserve to improve an advantage, but 
Greene insisted that they ought to be placed in front." * 
Gates had done the same thing at Camden. Greene there- 
fore formed his front line of North Carolina militia, who, 
Hildreth says, were so posted as a punishment for sus- 
pected toryism. "Food for powder!" At the first fire 
they fled, throwing away arms, knapsacks and canteens. 

The heroes of Cowpens were there, and fought splen- 
didly ; by British admission, they were at the point of 
victory when an ill-timed retreat was ordered, leaving the 
field, the artillery and the glory, to the British, who pur- 
sued for three miles. Greene retreated ten miles, to 
Troublesome Creek, and fainted. . 

He had, however, accomplished his purpose, which 
was, he said, " to encumber his enemy with wounded." f 
A fourth of the British army was disabled, including their 
best officers — Tarleton, Stewart and Webster, mortally. 

The British were so weakened by their victory that 
Cornwallis fell leisurely back and down towards Wilming- 
* Bancroft, Vol. X. \ Johnson. 



272 Greene's retreat across the dan. 

ton. Greene followed as leisurely, as far as Deep River, 
and there gave over the pursuit, — comes to the conclusion 
to push " boldly" into South Carolina and let Cornwallis 
go to " Halifax," or wherever he will. 

Johnson relates how " Greene afterwards found out 
that he might have overtaken and must have destroyed 
Cornwallis." 

Greene communicates to Washington his purpose to 
" surprise" Kawdon at Camden, and adds : " I shall take 
every measure to avoid a misfortune ; but necessity obliges 
me to commit myself to chance, and I trust my friends 
will do justice to my reputation if any accident attends 
me."* 

Unfortunately Greene wrote letters which, passing 
through an unfriendly country, fell into hands for which 
they were not intended, so that Lord Eawdon at Camden 
fully expected and was ready to receive him. Unable to 
storm the works, Greene took a strong position near Cam- 
den, at Hobkirk's Hill. His force was nearly two thousand. 
Lord Eawdon, with nine hundred, concluded to surprise 
Greene, who was taking a not over early, or over " hasty," 
cup of coffee, on the morning of April 28th. This he 
did. A sharp action ensued, when Greene retreated, hav- 
ing suffered a loss of three hundred. The British lost 
about the same number. Greene wrote: "Had we de- 
feated the enemy, not a man of the party would have got 
back into the town ; the disgrace is more vexatious than 
anything else." 

But Marion had, in reality, taken Camden two days 
before the battle of Hobkirk's Hill. He had invested 
Fort Watson, on Wright's Bluff, below. The bluff was 
forty feet high, and the garrison over one hundred. Ma- 
rion's men felled trees and built towers high enough to 
command the fort, and compelled a surrender. This was 
the connecting post between Camden and Charleston, so 
* Sparks' Correspondence, Vol. HI, p. 279. 



Greene's retreat across the dan. 273 

that, hearing of its fall, Lord Bawdon at once ordered the 
destruction of his works and the evacuation of Camden. 
This was May 10th. On May 11th, Orangeburgh sur- 
rendered to General Sumter. On the 12th, Marion and 
that brave woman, Rebecca Motte, drove the British 
from Fort Motte. Sumter took Fort Granby, and 
Lee compelled the garrison of Augusta to capitulate, 
June 5 th. 

Greene meanwhile attempts Ninety-Six, and makes 
fearful work of it ; — worse than a blunder, it was a 
crime. 

Attacking the enemy in the rear, and reducing the 
smaller posts, Marion and Sumter had by July compelled 
the British to evacuate the strong posts of the upper 
country, and they were now confined to the narrow dis- 
trict between the Santee and lower Savannah. This was 
the policy advocated from the first by Morgan ; the sequel 
proves its wisdom. 

Bancroft well says of this campaign : " Whatever was 
achieved, ~ was achieved by Americans' alone, and hy 
Americans of the South." Meantime, the interests 
of the Southern department had been transferred to 
Virginia. 

Cornwallis, having refreshed his battered army and re- 
inforced at Wilmington, called a council of officers to 
decide whether to return to the defence of what he had 
already acquired, or march up through North Carolina 
into Virginia. Tarleton warmly opposed a march into 
Virginia, and counseled a return to South Carolina. But 
Cornwallis was sick of the Carolinas, and hoped new fields 
would bring him new laurels. 

Up through the whole length of the State, harrying 
and terrifying the people, Cornwallis, with two thousand 
troops, marched, " with no opposition which an advanced 
guard under Tarleton did not easily overcome ;" reaching 



274 geeene's retreat across the dan. 

Halifax, " his troops were let loose to commit enormities 
that were a disgrace to the name of man." * 

Early in May he joined forces with Phillips at Peters- 
burgh, and found himself " at the head of seven thousand 
effective men, and with entire control of the water, while 
La Fayette had not a third of that number to oppose 
him." 

* Bancroft, Vol. X, p. 485. 



XXIX.— 1781. 
MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. 

AFTER a furlough of two months at home, his health 
being iu a measure reinstated, and, seeing General 
Greene hard pushed at Hobkirk's Hill, Morgan had re- 
solved to repair at once to his camp. Just at this time, 
however, May 1781, the alarming state of things in Vir- 
ginia called for the prompt and vigorous service of all her 
sons. 

In January of 1781, whilst Morgan was before Corn- 
wallis in South Carolina, Arnold invaded Virginia with 
sixteen hundred men, captured Eichmond and destroyed 
an immense amount of public and private property. In 
March, Phillips joined Arnold with two thousand British 
from New York, and the whole country, between the 
rivers James and York, was wasted and burned. Virginia 
having drained her resources to strengthen Greene's army, 
with the hope that Cornwallis would be destroyed or 
driven back to the sea, was illy prepared to resist the 
present powerful invasion. 

Washington sent La Fayette to the rescue, and though 
he was urgently pressed to come himself to the help of his 
own State, he declined to move from the highlands of the 
Hudson. 

He hoped much from the influence of La Fayette. In 
Baltimore the Marquis was warmly received, and tendered 
the most elegant hospitalities its citizens could command. 
He declined these expensive honors, and begged instead, 
that the ladies of Baltimore would assemble and ply their 



276 MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. 

patriotic needles to clothe his naked soldiers, — himself 
furnishing the materials. " He drew to his side, as volun- 
teers, gallant young men, mounted on their own horses, 
from Maryland and Virginia. Youth, generosity, cour- 
age and prudence, were his spells of persuasion. His 
perceptions were quick, his vigilance never failed, and in 
his methods of gaining information of the movements of 
the enemy, he excelled all officers of the war, except 
Washington and Morgan. All accounts bear testimony to. 
his prudence, and that he never once committed himself 
during a very difficult campaign." * Tarleton bears witness 
to this in his " Campaign." 

Arriving in Kichmond, La Fayette addressed Morgan : 

" May 21, 1781. 

" My Dear Sir : — Having heard that on your recovery 
you had set out for the Southern army, I made no doubt 
you had arrived in South Carolina. But I hear that you 
are not yet gone, and with the freedom of an old and affec- 
tionate friend, take the liberty to request your assistance. 

" Lord Cornwallis came without opposition to Halifax, 
and has now joined forces with Phillips at Petersburgh. 

" General Phillips' force consisted of two thousand five 
hundred regulars rank and file. The force of Cornwallis 
you will better know than I do', when I tell you it consists 
of the 23d, 71st, 33d British, one Hessian regiment, the 
light infantry and guards, Tarleton's Legion and some 
other corps. They have entire command of the waters. 
They have much cavalry. We have for the present forty. 
Our regular force is near nine hundred. Our militia not 
very strong. We have not a hundred riflemen, and are 
in the greatest need of arms. 

" Under these circumstances, my dear sir, I do very 
much want your assistance, and beg leave to request it, 
both as a lover of public welfare and as a private friend 
* Bancroft, Vol. X. 



MORGAN AGAIN" IN" THE SEEVICE. 277 

of yours. Your influence can do more than orders from 
the Executive. Permit me, my dear sir, entirely to de- 
pend on your exertions. 

" Another very great reinforcement to our small, dimin- 
utive of an army, and which will produce the happiest 
effects, would be your personal presence on the field. I 
beg leave, my dear sir, most warmly to entreat you to join 
us if the state of your health will permit. 

"I remain, my dear sir, most affectionately your friend, 

"La Fayette. 
" General Morgan." 

Also : 

"From Charlottesville, June 2, 1781. 
"Sir : — I have the pleasure to inclose to you a resolu- 
tion of the House of Delegates, by which you will perceive 
the confidence they repose in your exertions and the 
desire they entertain of your lending your aid under our 
present circumstances. I sincerely wish your health may 
be so far re-established as to permit you to take the field, 
as no one would count more than myself on the effect of 
your interposition. * * * * 

" I am with great respect, 

"Your most humble servant, 

"Thos. Jeeeerson. 
"Brigadier- General Morgan." 

Meantime Tarleton had made a cavalry sweep inland, 
surprised the Assembly at Charlottesville and taken seven 
members prisoners, thus for the time unseating the civil 
authority of the State. A fragment of the body addressed 
Morgan : 

" Staunton, June 14. 

"Sir: — * * * * So much is at stake on the field of 
battle, that it is not only our wish, but that of every mem- 
ber of the Assembly, that you march with what men you 



278 MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. 

have raised, leaving orders for others to follow yon. We 
are truly sensible of the alacrity with which the people on 
this side of the mountains will join you ; they wish to be 
commanded by you. We therefore entreat that you lose 
no time in joining the Marquis. 

"We are your very humble servants, 

"Archibald Cary, 
"Benjamin Harrison." 

Morgan responded promptly to these importunate ap- 
peals, and having clothed the men at his own expense, 
sent them forward under Captain Nelson, and wrote to 
the Speaker of the House of Delegates that he had con- 
tracted a heavy debt which he trusted would be assumed 
by the State. 

Hearing of Morgan's approach, La Fayette writes : 

"June 12, 1781. 
"My Dear Sir : — With the greatest satisfaction I have 
received your letter mentioning the exertions you have 
made for our support. Your assistance is very necessary 
to us, and your success in collecting the troops is above 
my expectation. The sooner they are with us the better, 
and I shall be particularly happy in taking by the hand a 
friend for whom I have ever felt the highest regard and 
sincerest affection. The enemy are opposite to Elk Creek. 
Our junction with the Pennsylvanians enables us to some 
resistance, but we are still much inferior to his Lordship. 
AVhatever you think better for the good of the service 
that comes within the bounds of my power, I request you 
will either mention to me or have executed in my name. 
Adieu, my dear sir, with the most perfect regard and 
attachment. 

"Your most humble servant, 

" La Fayette." 

Having sent forward his cavalry, Morgan marched with 



MORGAN AGAIN" IN THE SERVICE. 279 

the riflemen he had collected on the 20th of June, and 
reached the headquarters of the Marquis on the 6th of 
July. He was immediately invested with the command 
of all the light troops and the cavalry. 

Concerning the Maryland volunteer dragoons, La Fayette 
wrote to him : 

" July 16, 1781. 
"Dear Sir : — I have attached to your command Major 
Nelson's corps and the Maryland volunteer dragoons. I 
beg leave to recommend the latter to your attention. 
Most of them are men of fortune who make great sacri- 
fices to serve their country. You will not, therefore, put 
them upon the duties of orderlies, or the common camp 
duties which can be as well performed by the Continental 
horse. In everything else, you will find they will answer 
your expectations. As they are only to be subject to your 
orders, when you have accomplished the objects mentioned 
in my letter of yesterday, or when it is decided that 
Tarleton intends southerly and is beyond the reach of 
being struck, you will be good enough to order their 
return to headquarters It is my wish to dismiss them 
the moment it is in my power. 

"I am your obedient servant, 

"La Fayette." 

Think of that ! from a man who had himself left ease, 
honors, wife, children, home and country ; who had 
perilled his life and devoted his private fortune in the 
cause of an humble people in a distant land, who was 
struggling to solve the greatest of political problems, and 
to realize the noblest dream of the noblest dreamers, from 
Plato to Washington. 

The morning aftei Morgan's arrival in camp, Cornwallis 
had dispatched Tarleton with a body of cavalry and 
mounted infantry to attack La Fayette. They encoun- 
tered a mounted patrol, who fell back upon the main 



280 MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. 

body of riflemen, giving the alarm. They were instantly in 
position, and upon Tarleton's approach, opened so prompt 
and vigorous a fire upon him that he beat a hasty retreat.* 

A few days after, Cornwallis sent Tarleton upon a distant 
and dangerous expedition inland, to destroy a magazine of 
stores which were intended for Greene's army. Wayne 
and Morgan had well concerted a plan for his capture. 
Tarleton, foiled in his work of destruction, was returning, 
and hearing of the danger that menaced him, he destroyed 
his wagons, made haste to strike a lower route and nar- 
rowly escaped capture.f The knowledge that Morgan was 
again in the field was a valuable check both upon Tarleton 
and Cornwallis. 

On July 30, Morgan and Wayne moved from Goode's 
Bridge to Deep Creek, as affording greater facilities for 
menacing Petersburg!] or securing a passage into North 
Carolina. This may be considered "the first of a series 
of movements which ended in the capture of Cornwallis." 

Three weeks in camp, however, convinced Morgan that 
he had anticipated his restoration to health. His keen 
military instincts, the imminent peril of Virginia, the 
expressed wishes of Congress, the Commander-in-chief, and 
the State authorities, with the earnest entreaties of his 
cherished friend La Fayette, had stimulated him to the 
effort ; but the exposure of camp life speedily awoke the 
sleeping virus in his system, and he again succumbed to 
his inexorable enemy. He journeyed homeward early in 
August, with the conviction that he had dealt his last 
blow for the cause he loved so Avell. 

Shortly before this he had written to General Greene : 

" Camp Goode's Bridge, July 24, 1781. 
" Dear Sir : — After making use of the cold bath for 
upwards of two months, I thought myself so far recovered, 
as to be able to take the field, and intended to have joined 
*Graham's Life of Morgan. t Ibid. 



MORGAN AGAIN IN" THE SERVICE. 281 

you. But my Lord, making so deep a lunge at the Old 
Dominion, that both Houses of the Assembly requested me 
to raise as many volunteers as possible and join the Mar- 
quis, which I did. 

" How are all the old heroes ? Washington, Lee, Howard, 
etc. I have not time to write them. Please to make my 
compliments to them, also to General Huger, Colonel 
Williams and your own family. I saw your letter to the 
Marquis and was very unhappy at your situation.* That 
d — d reinforcement arrived very unluckily. I lay out the 
night after arriving in camp, and caught cold. I am 
afraid I am broke down. I sincerely wish you every species 
of good luck and all the happiness that country can 
afford. 

"I have the honor, etc., 

"Daniel Morgan." 

To this Morgan received the following from General 
Greene : f 

" Headquarters, Camden, August 26, 1781. 

"Dear Sir: — Your letter of July 24th, arrived safe at 
headquarters, and your compliments to Williams, Wash- 
ington, Lee, and other gentlemen you mention, have been 
properly distributed. Nothing would give me greater 
pleasure than to have you with me. The people of this 
county adore you. Had you been with me a few weeks 
past, you would have had it in your power to give the 
world the pleasure of reading a second Cowpens affair. 
But alas ! the execution failed * * * Great generals 
are scarce. There are few Morgans to be found. The 
ladies of Charleston toast you. Don't you think we bear 
beating very well, and that we are something of the nature 
of stock fish, the more we are beat, the better we grow. 

" I may say with the king of Prussia, fortune is a female 
and I am no gallant. She has jilted me several times this 
* At Ninety-Six. t Graham's Life of Morgan. 



282 MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. 

campaign, but in spite of her teeth, I pursue her still, in 
hopes the old adage will be fulfilled, a coy dame may prove 
kind at last. 

""I am not well pleased with her rebuffs, but I bear 
them with patience. I was content with the flogging at 
Guilford. But I lost all patience with that of Lord Eaw- 
don [Hobkirk's Hill]. In the one I considered victory as 
doubtful ; in the other certain. * * * 

" But to add to my misfortune that cursed reinforce- 
ment must arrive by two days too soon. [Ninety-Six.] 

" But upon the whole we are as well off as could be 
expected, and the less we are indebted to fortune, the 
greater our merit. I claim nothing; the army deserves 
everything. 

"Nurse yourtdd bones and stick by the Marquis, until 
the modern Hannibal unfolds his great designs. While 
you and Wayne are with him I think he will be well sup- 
ported, and I shall feel perfectly easy. 

"We are trying to collect the militia to give the enemy 
battle. If we succeed, you may hear of a few being sent 
to the shades on both sides. The Dominion has been in 
great jeopardy this campaign. 

" With much esteem, etc., 

"Nathaniel Greene." 

While at Bath Springs he received this from La Fayette: 

" Mokstok Hill, August 15, 1781. 
"My Dear Friend: — I have been happy to hear your 
health was better. I hope the springs will entirely recover 
it : then, my dear Sir, I shall be happier than can be ex- 
pressed at seeing you with the army. You are the General 
and the friend I want ; and both from inclination and 
esteem, I lose a great deal when you go from me, and will 
think it a great pleasure and a great reinforcement to see 
you again. But let me entreat you not too soon to expose 



MOKGAN AGAIN IK THE SEKVICE. 283 

your health. Great services have been rendered by you ; 
great services are justly expected; so that you cannot, con- 
sistent with your duty, trine with your own life. By the 
time you are called to come, perhaps the scene will be 
interesting. 

"Your influence, my dear Sir, may render us the 
greatest service. The militia are coming in so slow that 
I shall soon be left with the Continentals. For God's sake 
tell them to come on. I do every day, expect a new cam- 
paign, and never was worse provided. 

" We put on the best face we can. But I confess I 
dread consequences. * * * 

"Gould it be possible to procure a quantity of shoes ? 
The whole army are barefoot. These articles I only men- 
tion, my dear friend, in case your health permits you to 
attend to them. I beg you will not take any trouble 
about them that might give you improper fatigue. 

" Lord Oornwallis' army is divided between York and 

Gloucester. At York they don't fortify ; but they do at 

Gloucester. * * * There is some rumor of a fleet near 

the Capes, but I do not believe it. Adieu, my dear Morgan. 

" Most affectionately your friend, 

" La Fayette." 

This correspondence, copied from Graham's Life of 
Morgan, covering the time of his connection with the 
army of Virginia, disposes of the innuendoes concerning 
Morgan's feigned ill health, and his lack of devotion to the 
cause. 

But a greater trial awaited him, when he learned that 
Washington was before Yorktown ; the French fleets off 
the coast, and glory and victory for the American arms. 

The war-worn hero essayed to rouse himself, and once 
more gird on his armor, but in vain. 

He sends this greeting to his beloved Commander-in- 
chief, full of delicacy and magnanimity : 



284 MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. 

" September 20, 1781. 

"Sir:— At a time like this, when your Excellency's 
every moment must be devoted to the grand business of 
America, I know you can have but little leisure for private 
letters, but the feelings of my heart will not permit me to 
be silent; I cannot avoid congratulating your Excellency 
on the present favorable appearance of our affairs. 

"I cannot avoid telling your Excellency bow much. I 
wish you success, and how much I wish that the state of 
my health would permit me to afford my small services on 
this great 02casion. 

" Such has been my peculiar fate, that during the 
whole course of the present war, I have never on any im- 
portant event, had the honor of serving particularly under 
your Excellency. 

"It is a misfortune I have ever sincerely lamented. 
There is nothing upon earth, would have given me more 
real pleasure, than to have made this campaign under your 
Excellency's eye, to have shared the clanger, and let me 
add, the glory too, which I am almost confident will be 
acquired. But as my health will not admit of my rejoin- 
ing the army immediately, I must beg leave to repeat to 
your Excellency, my most earnest wishes for your success 
and for your personal safety. I have the honor to be, with 
sentiments of the highest esteem, 

"Your Excellency's obedient humble servant, 

"Daniel Morgan." 

To which "Washington very handsomely replies : 

"Before Yorktown, October 5th, 1781. 
"Sir: — Surrounded, as I am, with a great variety of 
concerns on the present occasion, I can yet find time to 
answer your letter of the 20th nit., which I have received 
with much satisfaction, not only as it is filled with such 
warm expressions of desire for my success on the present 



MORGAN AGAIN IN THE SERVICE. 285 

expedition, but as it breathes the spirit and ardor of a 
veteran soldier, who, though impaired in the service of his 
country, yet retains the sentiments of a soldier in the 
primest degree. 

Be assured that I most sincerely lament your present 
situation, and esteem it a peculiar loss to the United States 
that you are at this time unable to render your services in 
the field. I most sincerely thank you for the kind ex- 
pressions of your good wishes, and earnestly hope that you 
may be soon restored to that share of health which you 
may desire, and with which you may again be useful to 
your country in the same eminent degree as has already 
distinguished your conduct. 

" With much regard and esteem, 

"I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 

"George Washington." 



XXX.— 1781. 
YOKKTOWN. 

THE day of human liberty was indeed about to dawn ? 
and the faithful watchers and toilers, through the 
long night of bloody strife, felt the glow of that dawn 
in their hearts. 

Cornwallis, at first posted at Portsmouth, whence he 
commanded a way of retreat into North Carolina, made a 
false step in leaving it for Yorktown. This was a most 
advantageous position so long as he could command the 
sea, but losing the maritime superiority, it must inevita- 
bly become untenable. He looked, of course, for co-oper- 
ation and succor from Clinton at New York. 

On the day that Cornwallis took post at Gloucester and 
Yorktown, Washington, near New York, had been assured 
of the co-operation of the French fleet under De Grasse ; 
this determined his course southward, with the allied 
land force of French under Rochambeau and his own 
army. 

While divisions and jealousies confused the councils of 
Cornwallis and Clinton, perfect accord joined the hands 
and strengthened the hearts of the French-American land 
and naval force. De Barras, commander of the French 
squadron at Newport, gracefully put himself under the 
orders of De Grasse, his junior ; and when the latter, with 
twenty-eight ships of the line, entered the Chesapeake 
and disembarked three thousand men under the Marquis 
de St. Simon, he quickly notified La Fayette that, though 



YOKKTOWK. 287 

his senior both in years and service, he wished to place 
himself and his forces under his orders as a Major-General 
in the United States service. 

Cornwallis had fortified the posts of York and Glouces- 
ter during the first week in August, and on the 30th of 
the same month, DeGrasse held the Chesapeake and the 
sea. September oth, the British Admiral Graves was dis- 
patched from New York to restore the balance, but De 
Grasse engaged him at the mouth of the Chesapeake, and, 
after an action of nearly three hours, remained master of 
the situation. The British loss was so great that Graves 
was compelled to return to New York five days afterward. 

"Washington had brought his forces through Pennsyl- 
vania and Maryland to the head of the Chesapeake, 
whence the French fleet was to convey them before York- 
town. 

Leaving them at the Elk River, " Washington, with 
the Counts Rochambeau and Chastelleux, riding sixty 
miles a day, on the evening of the ninth of September, 
reached his own seat at Mount Vernon. It was the first 
time in more than six years that he had seen his home. 
From its lofty natural terrace above the Potomac, his 
illustrious guests commanded a noble river, a wide ex- 
panse, and the height — then clothed in forest — within a 
generation to bear the Capitol of the United Republic. " 

Two days they sojourned there, and the fourteenth 
brought them to William sburgh, where La Fayette wel- 
comed his beloved General as " Generalissimo of the com- 
bined armies of the two nations, to scenes of glory." 

Washington had succeeded in deceiving Clinton as to 
his real intentions, up to the latest moment before setting 
his army in motion southward. He had caused to be 
erected, in the vicinity of New York, large army bakeries, 
and had also allowed letters to Rochambeau, concerning 
the projected attack upon that city, to find their way into 
Clinton's hands. 



288 YORKTOWN. 

Finding himself completely outwitted, in order to 
draw Washington's attention, and, if possible, his forces, 
from Virginia, Clinton planned an expedition of fire, 
plunder, and murder, into Connecticut, putting Arnold 
in command. The destruction and cruelty were without 
parallel, but Washington did not stir a man from before 
Yorktown. 

The allied forces speedily erected around Cornwallis a 
wall of fire. His only hope was to hold out until Clinton 
could detach a fleet to his aid. A letter in cipher signified 
that the fleet would sail from New York not later than 
October 5th, and urged him to hold out. They worked 
to strengthen their defences, but the Americans and 
French were equally zealous, advancing their parallels and 
erecting batteries, which they crowned with more than a 
hundred guns. 

The 5th of October came and passed without sign of 
the fleet. Their repairs were still uncompleted. Another 
cipher letter assured Cornwallis that they would sail on 
the 12th of October. But he had begun to despair. 
The enemy's parallels and trenches were daily circum- 
scribing him, and his works were crumbling before their 
effective fire. 

At Gloucester, the British were shut in by dragoons 
under the Duke de Lauzun and the Virginia militia. 

Tarleton had made one sortie with hope of breaking 
through the besiegers, but they were ridden down and 
driven back. Tarleton's horse was captured, and his 
rider narrowly escaped. 

Two strong redoubts remained to be taken by assault. 
Washington assigned one to the French, the other to the 
Americans. They received their orders with the greatest 
enthusiasm. The French officers and soldiers had equally 
imbibed the love of freedom, and were proud to be the de- 
fenders and saviors of the young Republic. 

There was also much emulation between the attacking 



yoektowjst. 289 

parties as to which should first achieve the capture of the 
redoubt assigned them. The American column was led 
by the gallant and gifted Alexander Hamilton, who in 
after years performed all the brilliant promise of his youth. 
He was accompanied by the courtly young Colonel Lau- 
rens, who always sought the post of danger. 

The French column was led by Count William de Deux 
Ponts and the Baron de l'Estrade. 

Their officers addressed them a few words of inspiration ; 
the attack was made with the greatest impetuosity, and 
the redoubts carried at the point of the bayonet, with 
little loss to the American column ; the French suffered 
more. 

Cornwallis, seeing the sufferings of his men, crowded 
into a small space, with over a thousand disabled by 
wounds and camp-fever, listened to the counsel of his 
officers and resolved to attempt an escape on the night of 
the 18th October. The sick and wounded were com- 
mended by letter to the mercy and generosity of Washing- 
ton, at the very time the British were perpetrating the 
most atrocious cruelties in Connecticut. 

The army embarked in small boats on the James River, 
when a sudden and violent squall drove the boats down 
the river and threatened them with instant destruction. 

With difficulty they relanded and returned to their 
camp, feeling that the hand of Providence was against 
them. On the 18th, Cornwallis sent a flag to Wash- 
ington with proposals to arrange for a capitulation. On 
the 19th, the posts of York and Gloucester were sur- 
rendered. The land forces became prisoners to Amer- 
ica, and the seamen to Prance. The shipping and naval 
stores fell to the French, the field artillery to the Amer- 
icans — one hundred and six pieces, of which seventy-five 
were brass. The talents and bravery displayed by the 
allies won them immortal glory, and they enhanced it by 
the humanity and generosity shown to their prisoners. 
13 



290 YORKTOWN. 

The French officers, in particular, honored themselves by 
the most delicate consideration of their enemies. Lord 
Cornwallis in his public letters acknowledged this.* 

On the day of surrender, Cornwallis was too much indis- 
posed to leave his tent, but sent his sword by General 
O'Hara. Lincoln, who had surrendered his sword at 
Charleston to Cornwallis, was appointed by Washington 
to receive that of Cornwallis. The rigor of the British 
on that occasion was well remembered, aud Washington 
required the capitulating force to march out with colors 
cased. Yet, as the prisoners filed past the American 
lines, we remember his charge, "Don't huzza, boys; pos- 
terity will huzza for you." 

Tarleton, who was in command of the post of Gloucester 
at the time of the surrender, communicated to the French 
General Choise his apprehensions for his personal safety if 
put at the disposal of the American militia, f 

He got safely away, and on his return to England was 
immediately promoted to the rank of Colonel, and became 
so popular, that in 1790 he was sent to parliament free of 
expense from his native town. In 1817, he was advanced 
to the rank of major-general, and the next year created 
a baronet.J 

* Botta's American Revolution. t Lee's Memoirs. 

% Cyclopedia Americana. 



XXXI.— 1781. 

AT LAST. 

THE names of Washington, Kochambeau, La Fayette 
and De Grasse were on every tongue. The shouts of 
victory from the field of Yorktown reached Morgan in his 
home near Winchester, and drew forth his heartiest con- 
gratulations to his Commander-in-chief, and to his friend 
La Fayette. 

Shortly after, occurred a painful and needless mis- 
understanding between Morgan and Washington. The 
Virginia troops commanded by the former were disbanded 
after the surrender at Yorktown, and the government, 
unable to discharge the balance due them, issued cer- 
tificates of the amount with promise of future payment. 
But many of the soldiers were sick or disabled by wounds, 
ragged, penniless, or at a distance from their homes. 
Their pressing necessities encouraged unprincipled specu- 
lators to prey upon them, by offering to cash the certifi- 
cates at shameful discount. This coming to Morgan's 
knowledge, he earnestly advised them to retain their cer- 
tificates, as the public faith was pledged for their pay- 
ment, offering, at the same time, if any were compelled 
to part with them, to double the sum offered by these 
speculators, and also a promise to hold them subject to 
their redemption should they desire it. 

The speculators, foiled of their profits, circulated inju- 
rious accusations, charging General Morgan with the 
meanness they had themselves sought to practice upon 
the soldiers. It came to Washington's ears. He ceased 



292 AT LAST. 

to correspond with Morgan, openly expressed his want of 
confidence in him, and when they met, treated him with 
coldness.* 

Morgan was wounded to the soul ; suspecting the cause, 
and feeling how undeserved was the implied censure, he 
sought an explanation. Washington tpld him frankly that 
he could esteem no man who "labored under the charge of 
profiting by the necessities and distresses of the soldiers." 
Morgan then stated the facts of the case, giving him the 
testimony of numbers of the soldiers, which at once con- 
vinced Washington how entirely he had been deceived ; 
he promptly expressed his regret at having entertained 
accusations against a man so high in his esteem, without 
first hearing his version of it. A tithe of the long-suffer- 
ing and misplaced confidence thrown away upon Arnold, 
would have saved Morgan from a wound sharper than the 
steel of an enemy. 

Morgan never recovered his health, but ten years of 
quiet prosperity in the bosom of his family had somewhat 
built up his constitution and quite repaired his fortunes. 
He directed the plough as successfully as he had wielded 
the sword. By State grants and purchases he became 
possessor of not less than two hundred and fifty thousand 
acres of land on the Ohio and Monongahela rivers. He 
had built a stately mansion and called it "Saratoga," — 
abode of a refined and Christian home-circle, — his estima- 
ble wife, their two daughters — the elder married to Colonel 
Neville, the younger to Major Heard — and their children. 
With ease and dignity they dispensed the largest hospi- 
talities to the best society that Virginia could boast. 

Morgan appears again in public life during the "Whis- 
key Insurrection" as major-general of the Virginia militia. 
In 1797 he represented the counties of Frederic and 
Berkeley in Congress. He was also a member of the Con- 
gress called by Washington in 1797 to take into considera- 
* Graham's Life of Morgan. 



AT LAST. 293 

fcion the threatening complexion of affairs between America 
and France, and was named in connection with a high 
command, in event of war with that country. While at 
his post during the regular session of Congress in 1798, 
his health again gave way. He sank into a confirmed 
invalidism from this time. 

During his whole career, even in his wild young days, 
Morgan had always expressed and manifested the greatest 
respect for religion. During the late years of his life, he 
had been a regular attendant of the church of which his 
wife had long been a member. He now became a com- 
municant, and for the fuller enjoyment of religious privi- 
leges, left his country residence and removed to Winches- 
ter. A strong friendship had sprung up between General 
Morgan and his pastor, Eev. Dr. Hill, of the Presbyterian 
church. He was in constant attendance upon him during 
the latter years of his life, and to his manuscripts Mor- 
gan's biographer, Mr. James Graham, is largely indebted 
for some of the most interesting facts of our hero's early 
life, which Dr. Hill had from his own lips. 

And now this happy warrior, having struck all his 
valiant blows for God and humanity, rested a little space 
from his labors and waited for his final furlough. " They 
also serve who only stand and wait," for now he girded on 
his spiritual armor and made full proof of. that nobler 
courage with which the Christian warrior triumphs over 
his last enemy. 

After a wearisome confinement of a year to his house, 
and of six months to his bed or easy-chair, he sank under 
his infirmities and expired July 6, 1802, in the sixty- 
seventh year of his age, "having served his generation." 

In the military escort at his grave were seven members 
of the rifle company with which Morgan marched to 
Boston in 1775. Their war-worn rifles fired the last 
salute over his grave. 

His biographer says of his Eevolutionary services : 



394 AT LAST. 

" Whether we regard their extent, their value, or their 
brilliancy, they were not surpassed by those of any other 
officer in the army, except the Commander-in-chief him- 
self. 

" He participated in, or had the direction of, nearly fifty 
contests with the enemy, eight of which were general 
engagements, and in no instance did he fail of entire or 
partial success. Throughout his long military career, he 
never experienced a surprise, though the nature of the 
service in which he was chiefly engaged subjected him 
constantly to such a contingency. * 

" In person he was more than six feet high, and well 
proportioned ; of an imposing presence ; moving with 
strength and grace ; of a hardy constitution, that defied 
fatigue, hunger and cold. He could glow with intensest 
anger, but passion never mastered his power of discern- 
ment; his disposition was sweet and peaceful, so that he 
delighted in acts of kindness, and never harbored malice 
or revenge. His courage was not an idle quality, it sprung 
from the intense energy of his will, which bore him on to 
do his duty with an irresistible impetuosity. His faculties 
were quickened at the approach of danger. An instinc- 
tive perception of character assisted him to choose those 
whom it was wise to trust, and a reciprocal sympathy 
made the obedience of his soldiers an act of affectionate 
confidence. 

" Wherever he was posted in the battle-field, the fight 
was sure to be waged with fearlessness, judgment, and 
massive energy. Of all the officers whom Virginia sent 
into the war, next to Washington, Morgan was the great- 
est ; yet she raises no statue to the incomparable leader of 
her light troops." f 

It is idle to mention any name with that of Washing- 
ton, — a greatness so many-sided and symmetrical as to be 
unique. But if we consider military genius alone — as a 
* Graham's Life of Morgan. f Bancroft, Vol. VIII. 



AT LAST. 295 

field executive — Morgan towers above all. That insuffer- 
able military caste, which it seems must be endured be- 
cause it cannot be cured, had thus far kept him manacled 
under his inferiors. Cowpens was his single opportunity 
to show the reach of his genius. He exhibits here that 
marvellous power of sympathy which put him in rapport 
with those he commanded, and by which he so multiplied 
and communicated himself to his troops that he worked 
his divisions as if they had been his own limbs. His army 
individualized. 

It would seem eminently proper that centennial honors 
to Daniel Morgan should not devolve upon any one State. 
No State can establish its claim to him. His track of 
glory reaches from Quebec to Cowpens. 

Leaving Canada, — Maine, New York, New Jersey, Penn- 
sylvania, Virginia, North and South Carolina, may well 
contend for the honor of honoring him. He belongs to 
the continent. 

Eising from the humblest obscurity to the noble height 
he gained, he, more than any other of that wonderful 
Eevolutionary group, illustrates the genius and forecasts 
the possibilities of the New World. 

Virginia ! dear old Dominion, — mother of States, hal- 
lowed ground indeed, — holding in thy bosom the sacred 
relics of Jefferson, Henry, Morgan and Washington ! 
From such precious seed what heroic harvests may we yet 
gather ! 



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